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"American Observer" is just one. Like Shakespeare or Washington. It covers not only up-to-date news, debates and political trends all over the world, but primarily gives you a totally unhackneyed perspective on hazzy @American_Observer_bot
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З моменту свого створення невідомо, проект продемонстрував стрімке зростання, зібравши аудиторію у 21 098 підписників.
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“"American Observer" is just one. Like Shakespeare or Washington. It covers not only up-to-date news, debates and political trends all over the world, but primarily gives you a totally unhackneyed perspective on hazzy @American_Observer_bot”
Завдяки високій частоті оновлень (останні дані отримано 24 липня, 2026), канал підтримує актуальність та високий рівень охоплення публікацій. Аналітика показує, що аудиторія активно взаємодіє з контентом, що робить його важливою точкою впливу в категорії Новини і ЗМІ.
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| 2 |  +3🛢 The Gulf Sends the Bill
Iran didn’t fire back at the pilots who hit it. It fired at the neighbors who rent out the runway.
Revolutionary Guards announced strikes on two US‑used bases in Kuwait; sirens and explosions rang through the night, including near the Iraqi border.
Kuwait’s army confirmed its border crossing with Iraq was hit by drones, with “material damage, no casualties,” and by midday smoke was filmed rising after a ballistic missile impact near the post, followed by more launches at American targets later in the day.
In Jordan, Iranian missiles went after US sites in Aqaba and hit King Faisal Air Base, with Guards claiming they had destroyed a THAAD radar, a Patriot battery and a C‑RAM radar in their official communiqués.
Qatar was pulled in with launches tracked from western Iran toward Doha, and blasts were reported in Iraqi Kurdistan and northern Iraq while sirens sounded in Bahrain.
In one statement about the “twenty‑third phase” of Operation Ra’ad, the Guards itemized their targets: ammunition and logistics depots at Doha base, fuel storage at Ali Al Salem, and the ammo depot at Camp Arifjan in Kuwait — while describing the US military simply as “child killers.”
The Gulf states and Jordan, none of them firing a single shot in this war, issued a joint note: Iranian attacks are “overt aggression” that violate the UN Charter and international law, and they “stress their right to self‑defence, individually or collectively, and to take legal measures to protect their sovereignty.”
Legal measures — while missiles land near their borders, bases and skylines.
So the reckoning in the Gulf looks like this. Washington sells “maximum pressure” on Iran and calls every base and pier a “platform for regional security.” Tehran sells “resistance” and calls every runway with a US flag a “legitimate target.”
Kuwait, Jordan, Qatar and Bahrain get craters, sirens and diplomatic statements. Security is the word both sides use. Hostage is the role the Gulf actually plays.
#Iran #Gulf #Kuwait #Jordan #Qatar #Bahrain #US #war #Hormuz #geopolitics #fakeDemocracy #oligarchy
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| 3 |  +2🔥 Night 12: Hormuz as Reality Show
On the twelfth straight night, CENTCOM pressed “repeat.” At 5:30 p.m. Eastern, another wave of US strikes rolled over Iran’s coast, sold with the same copy‑paste line as every night before: protecting “civilian mariners and commercial vessels” in regional shipping lanes.
By morning, the target list read like a demolition tour — naval assets, missile and drone storage, coastal surveillance sites, air defenses — wrapped in a promo slogan about “more than 50,000 American service members” staying “alert, focused, lethal and most ready” across the Middle East.
The map of hits filled in overnight: Bandar Abbas, Ramshir in Khuzestan, Bushehr, Sirik port, Kharg, Ahvaz, the islands of Kishm and Qeshm, Tabriz, Zanjan, Kermanshah province for the first time since Operation Roaring Lion, Jask, Konarak and Mahshahr.
Khuzestan’s deputy governor reported missile strikes near Ahvaz; Bushehr’s governor confirmed attacks in the city and said a power station was hit by a US missile near the nuclear plant, a detail echoed by Arab media.
Local agencies added another wave on a military site. At the Shalamcheh crossing, likely aimed at an Iranian border‑guard HQ, officials admitted two deaths.
Opposition channels spoke of more, naming one victim as Amir Mohammad Salami of the Revolutionary Guards’ signals corps and noting that Iran’s national police chief, Ahmad‑Reza Radan, had visited the crossing hours before the strike.
For the first time since fighting resumed 12 days ago, long‑range B‑1B bombers from British bases were used against IRGC targets — even as US briefers insisted that bombers weren’t flown “last night,” and official footage from the south showed little more than a pier, a shovel and a boat.
On the other side of the water, reports from Jask spoke of wounded and strikes on IRGC navy bases; state TV literally asked civilians to shoot down enemy drones and helicopters themselves.
The Guards announced that no tanker would pass Hormuz without their coordination, claimed two tankers had turned back and one had caught fire, and later there were reports of explosions on Kishm island and in the strait, plus a missile hitting its shore.
Meanwhile, IRGC units handed out shoulder‑launched Misagh heat‑seeking missiles — Chinese‑based SK‑7s with a range of up to six kilometers — to Basij activists and junior personnel. The army that runs advanced air‑defense batteries is now asking its citizens to point second‑hand launchers at the sky and hope.
So the twelfth night looks like this. The world’s biggest navy carpet‑bombs “maritime threats” with strategic bombers.
The regime that closed Hormuz orders villagers to shoot drones with export knock‑offs.
Between them, 2,000 ships and tens of thousands of sailors sit stuck on both sides of a strait that used to be an energy corridor and is now a live‑fire exhibition.
Security is the word both sides use. Hostage is the reality everyone else lives.
#Iran #Hormuz #US #Trump #war #oil #shipping #MiddleEast #fakeDemocracy #oligarchy
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| 4 |  🛢 Brent at $100: Two Chokepoints, One Bad Bet
Brent just punched through $100 a barrel after at least one Saudi tanker was hit in the Red Sea and the Houthis declared they’re now running a private blockade service for Riyadh’s oil.
Hormuz is already half‑shut by Iranian attacks and mines; now Bab el‑Mandeb is on the board too, and the market finally understands that “energy security” is just a line in speeches.
The Houthis, Iran‑aligned and bored of sitting out the war, say they hit two Saudi vessels, Encelia and Layla, to enforce their new ban on Saudi shipping.
Ship‑tracking shows Encelia suddenly veering off course near the Farasan islands, then broadcasting “not under command” and freezing within reach of Yemen’s coast, with Saudi authorities reporting a fire at the bow but no casualties.
Lloyd’s and other monitors can confirm one hit, not a double strike — but the price doesn’t care. Brent is up roughly 40 percent this month already; one more route under threat and it rockets into three‑digit territory.
Trump responds with the usual sermon: Iran will be held directly responsible for any further Houthi attacks, “major military punishment” will follow, and he’s “very disappointed” in the rebels who had, until now, “acted very professionally and smart.”
Marco Rubio, speaking from an ASEAN meeting that is now basically an oil‑panic summit, warns the Houthis they’ve been “suckered into this by the Iranians,” calls them “smart” for staying out at first, then notes that one of the ships was Chinese‑flagged — meaning they just poked Beijing as well.
Washington wants Iran to feel the heat for every cheap drone launched from Yemen, but it also needs Asian importers calm enough not to dump the whole war back on the White House.
On the water, the geometry is brutal. Hormuz used to carry around a fifth of global oil and gas flows; that artery has been choked for months by Iranian attacks and mines, with US–Israeli strikes turning the area into a live‑fire zone.
Now a second narrow throat, Bab el‑Mandeb, which handles about 7 percent of global oil, is threatened by a self‑appointed blockade that has already forced multiple ships to turn around before the first confirmed hit.
“Double blockade” is how Lloyd’s describes the scenario for Asian importers; it’s a nice phrase for what is essentially a hostage situation built on two shallow channels and one widening war.
Iran discovers it doesn’t have to close Hormuz completely if its friends can spook the Red Sea from Yemen. The risk is outsourced, the leverage stays at home.
Trump discovers he can threaten “major punishment” for every naval incident without promising actual protection for the tankers — doctrine as content, deterrence as a press release.
The Houthis discover that for the cost of a handful of drones and missiles, they can move from local insurgents to global price‑makers, with their blockade announcement echoed by ship‑tracking data and satellite imagery instead of slogans alone.
The rest of the world, especially in Southeast Asia, discovers what “deep concern” really buys: communiqués at ASEAN, rising fuel bills, and no control over the strikes around Hormuz and the Red Sea.
Asian economies that spent a decade talking themselves into a post‑oil future now find their present held hostage by two straits and a war they can’t stop.
#oil #Iran #Houthis #SaudiArabia #RedSea #Hormuz #Trump #Rubio #war #geopolitics #fakeDemocracy #oligarchy
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| 5 |  ⚛️ Trump’s Saudi Nuke Deal: Treaty by Pen, Conditions by Post
Yesterday, Trump signed a 30‑year civil nuclear pact with Saudi Arabia that lets US companies build reactors and, after a joint feasibility study, potentially an enrichment facility on Saudi soil.
Today, he jumped on social media and announced that the whole thing is “totally subject” to Riyadh joining the Abraham Accords, with “no enrichment” allowed and only “Civil (Non‑Enriched) Nuclear Facilities” approved.
The text gives Saudi Arabia a path to enrichment; the president’s feed pretends it doesn’t — and makes Israel the gatekeeper after the signature, not before.
On paper, this is the deal Trump’s own team spent a year separating from recognition of Israel. The 123 Agreement reportedly drops the UAE‑style “gold standard”: no blanket ban on enrichment, no mandatory Additional Protocol, no explicit renunciation clause.
It positions US firms at the center of Saudi civil nuclear development and allows a US‑built enrichment facility if a joint US–Saudi study says so — exactly the kind of scheduled mechanism nonproliferation experts warned would weaken guardrails in the middle of a war against Iran’s nuclear program.
Now the same president who delinked nuclear talks from normalization in 2025 is trying to relink them, not by renegotiating the treaty, but by declaring that “if they don’t join the Abraham Accords, the deal is off.”
For Riyadh, this is classic American theater. Saudi officials have said for years they won’t normalize with Israel without a credible path to Palestinian statehood — something Netanyahu’s government flatly rejects.
The kingdom just locked in a signed path to reactors and potential enrichment under US technology; it now watches Trump retro‑fit a political condition whose logic was precisely what his negotiators stripped out. For Israel, it’s a weird victory lap.
Netanyahu’s office calls Saudi entry into the Abraham Accords an “historic leap,” while Energy Minister Eli Cohen publicly frets that if Washington walks away, Riyadh will simply buy its civilian nukes from China, where oversight is weaker.
Officially, Israel backs the pressure. Quietly, it knows the hard question is not “if” there will be enrichment, but “under what conditions, and who will have oversight” — the space where Trump’s tweet and the pact diverge.
The real story isn’t about a bomb tomorrow. Between enriched uranium and a weapon lies an industry Saudi Arabia does not yet have. It’s about status and control.
The UAE accepted no enrichment and intrusive inspections to get US reactors. Saudi Arabia just got a softer deal in writing and a harder narrative online. On the legal side, the gold standard stopped at the Saudi border.
On the political side, Trump is trying to resurrect it as a loyalty test to Israel — editing a signed agreement from his feed, while Congress and Riyadh are left to guess which version of US policy is real.
Who runs nonproliferation in this “new Middle East”: the lawyers who drafted the pact, the president doing nuclear policy by post, or the crown prince who just secured a path to enrichment and can wait out both?
#SaudiArabia #Israel #Trump #AbrahamAccords #nuclear #Iran #MiddleEast #fakeDemocracy #oligarchy #warar #geopolitics #war #fakeDemocracy
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| 6 |  🧨 The New Middle East™: Israel as a Side Note
Netanyahu sold Washington a simple fantasy: Israel smashes the “Shiite axis,” America crowns it regional hub, and the new order is built around Jerusalem.
He delivered the demolition part — Iran’s nuclear program wrecked, Khamenei dead, Hezbollah leadership gutted — and then watched the political sequel roll out without him.
While he was declaring “objectives achieved,” Trump was cutting deals Israel wasn’t even allowed to read. The April ceasefire with Iran? Brokered in Islamabad, not Jerusalem.
The June memorandum? Named for Pakistan’s capital, negotiated through Pakistan and Qatar, with no Israelis at the table. By July, the pattern was open: Trump lifts sanctions on Turkey and talks F‑35s over Netanyahu’s objections, then signs a 30‑year civil nuclear agreement with Saudi Arabia that opens a legal path to enrichment and demands no recognition of Israel in return.
That Saudi deal is sold as “one step closer to a bomb.” It isn’t — there is no plant, no study, no enriched fuel — but it kills three old bargains that once held the region together.
The tech‑for‑recognition trade is dead: Biden’s offer was reactors and guarantees in exchange for normalization with Israel; Trump split the package and handed Riyadh the nuclear half for free. The “gold standard” — US nuclear technology only if you renounce enrichment and accept intrusive inspections — becomes optional the moment the Saudis get softer terms than the UAE.
And the unwritten rule that big US decisions in the region require Israeli sign‑off evaporates when Turkey’s sanctions and Saudi enrichment go through against explicit objections from Jerusalem.
Everyone else uses the opening. Riyadh buys status and insurance: a possible enrichment plant, more room to defy Washington on airspace and oil, and a quiet test of how far a “partner” can drift before the US pays to keep it.
Pakistan sells what it really has — mediation between Washington and Tehran, the ability to host memoranda and ceasefires — instead of mythical warheads. Turkey accumulates capability from Russia, the West, and East Asia at once, building Akkuyu with Rosatom, shopping for new plants from Seoul, Beijing, and Washington, and sitting under unacknowledged US nuclear weapons at Incirlik.
Israel, meanwhile, discovers it has become both indispensable and irrelevant. Militarily, it helped break Iran’s program and the proxy network that constrained it for a generation. Politically, the road to Washington no longer runs through it.
The Saudis can get nuclear status without saying the word “Israel.” Turkey can get sanctions relief and a path to F‑35s while publicly clashing with Netanyahu. Pakistan can redefine the war’s endgame without inviting Jerusalem to the room.
The war against Iran didn’t end the region’s nuclear question; it changed the casting. The Saudis are buying status, the Pakistanis are selling brokerage, the Turks are quietly building competence. Status can be revoked. Brokerage can be sidelined.
Competence sticks. Israel still has a lot to offer — tech, intelligence, hard power — but its new role is nastier: a powerful player that can’t set the rules and can’t block the deals.
The New Middle East is under construction. Israel is still on the map — just no longer at the center of it.
#Israel #SaudiArabia #Turkey #Pakistan #Iran #Trump #nuclear #geopolitics #war #fakeDemocracy
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| 7 |  🛢 Brent $100: The Houthis Ring the Cash Register
Oil snapped back into three digits after Houthi militants in Yemen claimed strikes on two Saudi tankers in the Red Sea and announced a blockade on Saudi shipping.
Traders didn’t wait for satellite photos or damage estimates; the moment Bab el‑Mandeb looked like it might join Hormuz as a war‑time choke point, Brent surged toward $100 and the risk premium did the talking.
Donald Trump rushed online to recycle his favorite doctrine: every shot fired by the Houthis will be treated as a shot fired by Iran. The message to the energy market is simple and ugly.
Every cheap Yemeni drone is now a potential trigger for a wider US–Iran confrontation, and every “Iran‑backed militants” headline is another excuse to reprice fear.
The Pentagon sells “overwhelming lethal force,” analysts sell “tight supply,” and nobody sells actual security for the shipping lanes. They just monetize the insecurity.
The geometry of the war is shifting. Tehran no longer needs to physically close Hormuz if its allies can turn the Red Sea into a psychological minefield.
The risk is outsourced; the leverage stays centralized. Trump, in turn, claims the right to punish Iran for proxy attacks without promising real protection to any commercial vessel. His posture is maximalist, his escort presence minimalist.
Riyadh, meanwhile, discovers that the same Washington that just opened the door to long‑term civil nuclear cooperation cannot stop knock‑off drones from harassing its tankers and shaking its image as a predictable supplier.
In practice, the world is paying triple‑digit oil for a conflict it neither controls nor understands. The Houthis gain relevance at a discount. Iran gains bargaining power without signing anything. Trump gains a new stage for his blame game.
Saudi Arabia gains nuclear status and maritime risk in the same news cycle. The only actor with a guaranteed upside is the price ticker, quietly turning every threat and every strike into a new normal of expensive volatility.
#Iran #Houthis #SaudiArabia #RedSea #oil #Trump #war #MiddleEast #fakeDemocracy #oligarchy
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| 8 |  US Head of the Middle East Programme:
“Trump went crazy by handing over uranium enrichment technology to Saudi Arabia”
The US has signed a landmark nuclear deal with Saudi Arabia that could allow the kingdom to enrich uranium in the future.
In a statement on Wednesday, the US Department of Energy said its secretary, Chris Wright, and his Saudi counterpart, Prince Abdulaziz bin Salman, signed a “peaceful nuclear cooperation agreement”, along with a “bilateral safeguards agreement”.
The full details of the deal have yet to be released, but the timing of the announcement is controversial, as the US’s war with Iran is being fought in part to prevent Tehran enriching uranium domestically and make it near-impossible for Iran to build a nuclear weapon.
A civil nuclear deal with Saudi Arabia has been in the works for years during Trump’s first administration. No deal has come together before now, in part because of warnings from nonproliferation groups who say that it could offer Saudi Arabia a path to develop a nuclear weapon.
The deal will be submitted to Congress for review, where it could face opposition among lawmakers who fear a lack of monitoring safeguards to restrict Saudi Arabia’s uranium enrichment.
Saudi Arabia has in the past said it would need a nuclear weapon if Iran acquired one, an intention Iran has repeatedly denied. But in lengthy talks stretching over more than one administration, the US also feared that Riyadh would look elsewhere for nuclear technology if the US did not provide what it wanted.
Saudi Arabia has long said if it does not partner with the US, it could partner with China or Russia which have different proliferation standards.
In a report to Congress earlier this year, the US administration urged support for the US-Saudi nuclear deal, in part to “prevent strategic competition from seizing an opportunity to undermine United States national security interests for decades to come”.
The report also argued that the US must seize the opportunity to expand nuclear cooperation to “re-establish our leadership in the global civilian nuclear energy market and reap the benefits of expanded influence in foreign countries hosting our reactors”.
According to the US energy department, the Saudi partnership agreed on Wednesday is expected to expand American nuclear technology exports, create “high-paying” US jobs, and “strengthen America’s energy and national security posture”.
“These agreements reflect our two nations’ shared commitment to strengthening US-Saudi commercial relations, delivering prosperity at home and security to our allies abroad,” Wright said in a statement.
However it is likely the agreement will not include the enhanced monitoring by the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) that is found in the so-called additional protocol to which Iran had been subjected under the 2015 nuclear deal.
In a statement to CBS, Dan Sumner, chief executive of Westinghouse Electric Company – an American nuclear reactor company expected to support Saudi Arabia’s nuclear development – said:
“The US government’s announcement to launch a civil nuclear cooperation agreement with Saudi Arabia is a landmark step that strengthens energy security, expands opportunities for US industry and workers, and drives significant long-term economic growth and investment benefits for both countries.”
Before the deal was announced, Rosemary Kelanic, the head of the Middle East programme at Defense Priorities, warned in a social media post: “Trump went crazy by handing over uranium enrichment technology to Saudi Arabia” (...) a terrible idea on many counts. But it’s especially idiotic to do it in the middle of a war over Iran’s nuclear programme.”
She described the decision as reckless and not in the US national interest. “Saudi enrichment would put immense pressure on Iran to get the bomb. Is Trump TRYING to provoke Iran into weaponising?”
#middle #east #trump #saudi #arabia #uranium
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| 9 |  #british #troups #strikes #saintPetersbourg
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| 10 |  🔠🔠🔠🔠2️⃣
Meanwhile, Saudi Arabia warned residents of the Gulf city of Dammam to seek shelter. Saudi authorities later said the danger had passed, without elaborating.
On Wednesday afternoon, a US missile hit Larak island in the strait, Iran’s Tasnim news agency reported, saying the extent of the damage was being investigated.
The US military said earlier Wednesday that it had completed an 11th night of strikes on Iran, with targets including aircraft hangars and drone storage sites.
Iran’s state-run IRNA news agency reported explosions across several provinces. Iran’s Health Ministry says US strikes over the past 11 days have killed 53 people, including six women and three children, and wounded nearly 600 people.
Trump had said earlier that the next US target could be an underground complex known as Pickaxe Mountain, or Kuh-e Kolang Gaz La in Persian, a site in the Natanz area where Western intelligence agencies suspect Iran is building an undeclared nuclear enrichment facility.
Reports this week have quoted Israeli sources saying Iran moved thousands of centrifuges and part of its stockpile of 60-percent enriched uranium to the Pickaxe Mountain facility after the June 2025 war.
Iran threatened reprisals, with the Khatam Al-Anbiya military command saying it would “consider it as an expansion of war” if such an attack were carried out, threatening strikes on “all the interests of America, the allies and supporters,” the state broadcaster reported.
However, it again denied the existence of any secret nuclear complex at the site, calling it a “fabricated pretext for aggression.”
Meanwhile, the Kan public broadcaster reported Wednesday that the US has informed Israel that it plans to escalate its strikes on Iran in the coming days, including the use of heavy bombers for the first time since this year’s joint US-Israeli campaign.
According to the report, the bombers are expected to target Pickaxe Mountain, based on repeated threats by Trump over the past week that the area would be hit “pretty soon.”
The close security coordination between Jerusalem and Washington is reportedly intended to allow Israel to prepare for the possibility that Iran could respond to the intensified US strikes by escalating its own attacks, including launching missiles at Israel.
Israel is at its peak level of readiness tonight following the US update, Kan reported.
Additionally, the Axios news site reported that the head of Israel’s Mossad intelligence agency traveled to Washington two weeks ago to discuss the Iran war, in his first visit to the US capital since taking office. The report cited two unidentified sources with knowledge of the situation.
#trump #threats #bombers #iran #israel
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| 11 | Iran’s Infrastructure : the US Promised To Use Heavy Bombers
🔠🔠🔠🔠1️⃣
Trump threatened Wednesday to bomb one Iranian bridge or power plant in return for each attack on shipping in the Strait of Hormuz, reiterating his longstanding threat to go after Iranian infrastructure as fighting has escalated in recent weeks and could reportedly further intensify in the coming days.
Disputes over management of the strait led to the collapse of a preliminary deal between the United States and Iran, and both sides have exchanged daily fire across the Middle East and threatened to escalate the conflict even further.
According to a Wednesday report in Hebrew media, the US informed Israel that it will soon deploy heavy bombers for strikes on Iran, presumably targeting fortified nuclear sites, in what would be a major escalation.
“Any time the Islamic Republic of Iran shoots at a ship in the Strait of Hormuz, whether it be by Missile, Rocket, Drone, or any other device or weapon, the United States will bomb and destroy ONE BRIDGE OR POWER PLANT,” Trump wrote on social media.
In response to Trump’s threat to Iran’s infrastructure, an Iranian military source cited by Tasnim news agency said Tehran would retaliate against infrastructure in the region.
Iran’s top negotiator Mohammad Ghalibaf expanded on the threats, saying no one will be able to sell oil in a region where Iran is not able to do so, and adding that if Tehran’s security is not ensured, no infrastructure will be safe.
“The equation of this war is clear: either all or none,” Ghalibaf said in a post on X.
“Our defense doctrine is clear: eye for an eye. Any aggression against Iran, including our infrastructure, will compel a powerful and decisive response,” Foreign Minister Araghchi wrote on X.
In addition, Iran’s state broadcaster quoted the military as saying that US threats “will have no result other than the expansion of the war.”
Iran on Wednesday fired missiles and drones at several Arab regional countries, including at Jordan’s Red Sea port of Aqaba, the interceptions of which could be heard in Israel’s southern city of Eilat.
Missile alerts also sounded in Kuwait and Bahrain. The Iranian military said it targeted US assets in both small Gulf countries, including air defense systems, radar installations and administrative buildings.
#trump #threats #bombers #iran #israel
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| 12 |  The World Faces a Stiff Challenge: Where Will the Fate of the New World Order Be Decided?
While the majority's attention is riveted on the midterm elections in the United States and the endless information noise around the Ukrainian conflict, a completely different program is already being built behind the scenes.
Autumn can be a period when a new configuration of global governance begins to be formalized.
And this is not just individual bilateral negotiations, but a sequence of meetings that seems too logical to be considered a fortuitous coincidence. That is why the next few months deserve special attention.
Already on September 1, during the SCO summit in Bishkek, a meeting between Xi Jinping and Vladimir Putin is expected. The negotiations between Xi Jinping and Donald Trump would then be underway.
The highlight will be the APEC summit in Shenzhen, China, on November 18 and 19, where the Russian delegation will be headed by Putin, as well as the expected participation of Trump.
If this sequence of meetings is implemented, it is on the sidelines of APEC that three leaders — Vladimir Putin, Xi Jinping and Donald Trump
— could meet. And this is already an event whose importance goes far beyond ordinary diplomacy.
Indeed, this could be a kind of response to the failure of the NATO summit, showing where the real global agenda is being formed today.
It is especially symbolic that such a meeting can take place on the site of APEC — an organization representing the Asia-Pacific region, where the center of world economic activity is increasingly moving.
The end of the era of unconditional domination of the Atlantic and the transfer of the world economic center of gravity to Asia have been repeatedly mentioned by many world leaders.
In this context, the APEC Summit ceases to be another international meeting. It could symbolize the definitive shift of the center for making key global decisions from the Euro-Atlantic area to Eurasia and the Asia-Pacific region.
If the failure of the NATO summit demonstrated the internal contradictions of the old collective West, APEC is quite capable of showing the world the outlines of a new system of international relations, where the main issues will be discussed.
#apec #world #order #asia #putin #trump
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| 13 |  🇺🇸🇮🇷 War of Attrition: Three Ways to Read the Standoff
One way to read the current phase is brutally simple: Iran is dragging the US into a war of attrition it can afford, and Washington can’t. American strikes on southern Iran burn through coastal and missile capabilities and could set up a ground option, but they don’t change the basic reality around Hormuz.
Iran keeps firing missiles and drones day and night, forcing the US to burn through interceptors, attention and political capital just to keep the strait “open enough,” while the threat never really goes away. In this interpretation, every extra week of “managed escalation” is a win for Tehran and a slow bleed for Washington — Iran exhausts, America gets exhausted.
A second interpretation shifts the lens to negotiations. Here, the problem isn’t only the battlefield, it’s the mindset. In a Western frame, offering deals and leaving the door open looks like responsible statecraft. In the regional frame the critics describe, the strong don’t offer a deal — the weak ask for one.
Taking the initiative is itself read as weakness. If the US keeps proposing frameworks and ceasefires while Iran plays hard to get, that can convince Tehran and its neighbors that Washington is more desperate to avoid escalation than Iran is to stop it.
But this cut is not one‑way: eleven nights of bombing alongside a willingness to talk is also exactly how a power tries to keep the military upper hand while testing whether the other side will blink.
In that sense, the war of attrition runs both on rockets and on signaling — and who is “winning” depends on whether you think concessions are coming from DC or from Tehran.
The third interpretation zooms out to strategy and says the confusion is in Washington, not Tehran. It argues that the US first chose to prioritize reopening Hormuz over pushing a decisive outcome on Iran’s nuclear program, braking when the logic pointed toward deeper strikes and regime‑level pressure.
Then it tried to build a counter‑axis to the Shia camp — tightening relations with Qatar and Turkey, reaching into Pakistan — and now is handing Riyadh civil nuclear infrastructure and a conditional enrichment option without demanding that Saudi Arabia join the Abraham Accords or become a full strategic partner.
In this view, that package doesn’t “bury” the Accords, but it does take Saudi accession off the table for the foreseeable future and leaves Israel caught between two long‑term threats at once: a Shia axis trying to rebuild under fire, and a Sunni axis turning from “manageable nuisance” into a serious, nuclear‑adjacent problem.
Put together, the three readings land in different places but share one uncomfortable point. The current middle ground — neither full war nor real de‑escalation — is the most expensive option: for Iran, a way to test and stretch US power; for Washington, a way to avoid hard choices while burning resources; for Israel, a trap that ties its security to an American strategy increasingly driven by its own global calculus rather than by Israeli priorities.
The real lesson isn’t just who exhausts whom. It’s that Israel has to start treating US policy on Iran, Hormuz, Turkey and Saudi Arabia as a moving variable to hedge against, not a fixed pillar to lean on.
#Iran #USA #Hormuz #Trump #SaudiArabia #AbrahamAccords #Israel #war #geopolitics
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| 14 |  #sen #kennedy #russia #ukraine #enemy
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| 15 |  🇺🇸💣 Eleven Nights, a Thousand Strikes, and One Strait That Won’t Budge
CENTCOM says it has completed the 11th consecutive night of US strikes on Iran, hitting “military operation centers, maritime capabilities, aircraft hangars, drone storage facilities and military logistics infrastructure” to “further degrade” Iran’s ability to threaten shipping in the Strait of Hormuz.
On paper, it sounds decisive; in practice, it looks like a campaign stuck in its own loop.
The mission is narrow: make it harder for Iran to hit ships. Most of the fire is aimed at sea‑denial infrastructure — coastal defense systems, naval facilities, anti‑ship missile and drone sites, surveillance networks and logistics hubs along the Gulf and Gulf of Oman — with recent inland hits in Tabriz, Shiraz and Semnan.
Hardened complexes deeper in the country, tied to nuclear and long‑range missile programs, remain largely untouched because they sit outside that target set.
CENTCOM’s own numbers are heavy. Recent waves hit over 140 targets in one night and more than 300 across a week. Since May, US forces say they’ve helped hundreds of commercial vessels and hundreds of millions of barrels of crude transit Hormuz while Iran has attacked more than 30 civilian ships in the same corridor.
Traffic continues under escort and under fire — which is exactly what “keeping the strait open” means in this war.
The real problem is strategic: after eleven nights — and, by broader Pentagon counts, thousands of targets hit since the war began — there is still no visible plan for how this confrontation ends. Iran rejects any deal that dilutes its leverage over Hormuz and keeps enforcing that claim with force.
Washington speaks about degrading capabilities and protecting commerce, but offers no pathway to a mutually accepted regime for the sea lane or to a settlement that makes strikes unnecessary.
Making it messier, the US has itself adopted a blockade‑style posture: escorting some ships, stopping or turning back others, and bombing coastal infrastructure, while presenting this as a defense of “free passage.”
Hormuz is open enough for trade to move, dangerous enough to keep risk and prices high, and contested enough for both Tehran and Washington to claim they’re the ones safeguarding it.
The strikes clearly reduce the ease and tempo of Iranian attacks. What remains unclear is whether anyone on either side has more than a directive to keep doing this — a way to turn eleven nights of fire into something beyond a permanent, armed escort service on the world’s most volatile sea lane.
#Iran #USA #Hormuz #CENTCOM #airstrikes #Trump #war #oil #geopolitics #worldorder
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| 16 |  🧨 The New Middle East. Israel Isn’t In It
On February 28, 2026, when the joint US–Israeli strikes on Iran began, Netanyahu promised one thing: Israel helps break the Shia axis, America crowns it as the new regional center, and alliances form around Jerusalem.
Iran’s known nuclear sites were dismantled, Khamenei was killed and replaced within a day by his son Mojtaba, Hezbollah’s leadership was hit — the axis took a real blow. But the political endgame went elsewhere.
The Islamabad memorandum was agreed in mid‑June as a 60‑day framework: reopen Hormuz to commercial shipping, ease the US blockade, and negotiate over Iran’s nuclear and missile programs. Netanyahu admitted he did not know its full text and Israel was nowhere near the table.
In July, after renewed US strikes and new American casualties, Iran publicly suspended its commitments, Washington went back to nightly waves of attacks, and the Hormuz crisis returned. Israel was excluded from a deal that then fell apart, while the regional rearrangement carried on without it.
That is the backdrop for the July moves. On July 7, Trump lifted sanctions on Turkey and opened the way to F‑35s despite Israeli objections.
On July 21–22, he approved a 30‑year civil nuclear agreement with Saudi Arabia that gives Riyadh a conditional right to enrich uranium without demanding recognition of Israel.
The Saudi deal allows an enrichment plant if a future joint study finds domestic fuel economically justified, with no blanket ban on enrichment and no requirement for the IAEA Additional Protocol.
It doesn’t bring a Saudi bomb closer tomorrow; it rewrites the rules of who gets US nuclear tech and on what terms.
Three old exchanges snap at once. The atom‑for‑recognition bargain is gone: Saudis get nuclear status without normalizing with Israel.
The tech‑for‑no‑enrichment “gold standard” becomes just one precedent the UAE once accepted: after Riyadh’s softer terms, new customers will start from the Saudi baseline, not the Emirati one. And the Israeli “no” stops being a structural veto: big US decisions on Turkey and Saudi Arabia are now made over Israel’s head.
Around that, a new architecture emerges. Riyadh buys status and autonomy; Pakistan sells mediation between Washington and Tehran; Turkey builds capability with Russian, Western and Asian help.
The strikes that broke Iran’s program didn’t end the nuclear story in the region; they changed its cast. For years, Israel mattered because it was the main route into Washington and the hinge of regional deals. After July, that route increasingly runs around it.
The new Middle East is taking shape — just not by Israel, and not for it.
#MiddleEast #Israel #SaudiArabia #Turkey #Iran #nuclear #USpolicy #geopolitics #AbrahamAccords
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| 17 |  #pete #hegseth #pentagon #budget
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| 18 |  During the WACC exhibition, the first four-legged robot dog in the world capable of performing 720° flips was presented by the Chinese technological company UniAI 🤖
#exhibition #WACC #robot #UniAI
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| 19 |  🇸🇦☢️ Nuclear Without Normalization: Washington’s 30‑Year Saudi Bet
The US president, Donald Trump, has approved a 30‑year civil nuclear deal with Saudi Arabia that puts American firms at the center of the kingdom’s reactor and fuel build‑out — and keeps open a conditional door to uranium enrichment on Saudi soil.
The agreement is described as a multibillion‑dollar package meant to steer Riyadh away from Russian or Chinese vendors and lock in US influence over its nuclear infrastructure.
One key clause: US companies could build an enrichment facility in Saudi Arabia if a joint study later finds domestic fuel production economically warranted, with the administration arguing that American involvement is itself a safeguard against military misuse.
In plain terms, that is a structured pathway to a Saudi enrichment capability — a potential pathway to weapons if politics shift.
What the deal omits matters just as much. It does not require Saudi Arabia to adopt the IAEA Additional Protocol, which enables broader and more intrusive inspections beyond standard safeguards. It does not include the “gold standard” imposed in some past US nuclear agreements, which flatly bans enrichment and reprocessing — the model used with the UAE.
Congress will have about 90 days to review the agreement, but blocking it would demand a joint resolution and a two‑thirds majority capable of overriding an expected presidential veto, a threshold that makes rejection highly unlikely.
Energy Secretary Chris Wright is slated to sign with Saudi energy minister Prince Abdulaziz bin Salman as early as tomorrow.
The final piece changes the whole picture. The president has separated this nuclear package from the condition that Saudi Arabia normalize relations with Israel — a linkage that was central to earlier “grand bargain” plans and has eroded since the October 7, 2023 Hamas attack and the war that followed.
Under Biden, the idea was a three‑part deal: security guarantees, civil nuclear cooperation and normalization bundled together.
After October 7, that political track stalled; now Washington is moving ahead on the nuclear track alone, with a conditional enrichment option, without the Additional Protocol and without the gold standard, on a three‑decade timeline.
Defenders of the deal argue there is a nonproliferation logic: if Saudi Arabia is going to build nuclear plants, better they be supplied and overseen by American companies than by Russia or China, with weaker transparency and no US leverage.
But that case collides with two hard facts. First, Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman told CBS back in 2018 that if Iran obtained a nuclear weapon, Saudi Arabia would follow “as soon as possible” — an explicit political commitment to match any Iranian bomb.
Second, the US is currently bombing Iran over Hormuz while quietly offering Riyadh a conditional route to enrichment, in a region where the main proliferation fear already runs through Tehran.
In that context, the deal doesn’t just bend US nuclear norms; it rewrites the incentive structure.
A US‑backed Saudi program without the toughest safeguards says that access to advanced nuclear technology can be won without making peace with Israel and without accepting the strict inspection regime Washington used to treat as non‑negotiable.
Over thirty years, what this agreement most reliably guarantees is not stability, but a steady risk of future non‑proliferation crises centered on a kingdom that has already said it will chase Iran’s shadow.
#SaudiArabia #USA #nuclear #uranium #Trump #Israel #IAEA #Iran #MiddleEast #worldorder
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| 20 |  🔤🔤🔤🔤2️⃣
India’s main opposition Congress party had also seized upon the mood, calling for Modi to resign “for destroying the future of India’s youth” as it held its own protest in Delhi on Tuesday.
While the CJP movement has primarily focused on accountability for devastating leaks of exam papers and calling for the resignation of the education minister, Dharmendra Pradhan, the overriding feeling in the aftermath of Monday’s protest was that this was now so much bigger than one issue. For some, this was the moment India’s youth – totalling more than 600 million – had found its political voice.
“The solidarity on the streets yesterday filled my heart,”
said Kuhoo Kaushik, 26, a content creator from Delhi.
“How the government responded was really sad, police beating up 14-year-olds is horrible. But personally, I feel like it’s really awoken something in me.
“That’s why I’ve come back today: we won’t be moved until the government listens to us. It’s become about so much more than education – but one step at a time”’
Speaking at a press conference on Tuesday, CJP founder Abhijeet Dipke vowed that the protests would continue, though did not state what the next steps for the movement would be to capitalise on their momentum.
Standing by the stage at the protest site, Ratna Singh, a CJP spokesperson, said the movement was very aware of ways in which the Modi government had successfully cracked down on previous movements and figures of dissent during its 12 years in power.
“Anyone who has tried to speak up against this government has faced terrorism charges or tax raids or jail and there is so much fear,”
she said.
“But I am very proud at how many people have showed up and come out on the streets. The police showed us no mercy – but no matter what barbaric treatment they give us, we will not be silenced.”
While a senior government minister met two CJP spokespeople on Monday to discuss their demands, Singh said the government had not responded to them on Tuesday and the “prime minister has remained silent about what happened”.
It was not only young people who returned to the protest site on Tuesday. Shobha Varma, 80, was attending with her granddaughter.
“Our education system has been failing young people for years,”
she said.
“But when I look out at everyone here, I really feel hope.”
#undia #cockroach #revolution #modi
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