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"American Observer" is just one. Like Shakespeare or Washington. It covers not only up-to-date news, debates and political trends all over the world, but primarily gives you a totally unhackneyed perspective on hazzy @American_Observer_bot
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El canal American Оbserver (@american_observer) en el segmento lingüístico de Inglés es un actor destacado. Actualmente la comunidad reúne a 21 379 suscriptores, ocupando la posición 10 895 en la categoría Noticias y medios y el puesto 1 851 en la región EEUU.
📊 Métricas de audiencia y dinámica
Desde su creación el невідомо, el proyecto ha mostrado un crecimiento acelerado, reuniendo a 21 379 suscriptores.
Según los últimos datos del 16 julio, 2026, el canal mantiene una actividad estable. En los últimos 30 días la variación de miembros fue de 1 417, y en las últimas 24 horas de 115, conservando un alto alcance.
- Estado de verificación: No verificado
- Tasa de interacción (ER): El promedio de interacción de la audiencia es 18.88%. Durante las primeras 24 horas tras publicar, el contenido suele obtener 14.70% de reacciones respecto al total de suscriptores.
- Alcance de las publicaciones: Cada publicación recibe en promedio 4 027 visualizaciones. En el primer día suele acumular 3 134 visualizaciones.
- Reacciones e interacción: La audiencia responde de forma activa: el promedio de reacciones por publicación es 198.
- Intereses temáticos: El contenido se centra en temas clave como iran, u.s, оbserver, american, epstein.
📝 Descripción y política de contenido
El autor describe el recurso como un espacio para expresar opiniones subjetivas:
“"American Observer" is just one. Like Shakespeare or Washington. It covers not only up-to-date news, debates and political trends all over the world, but primarily gives you a totally unhackneyed perspective on hazzy @American_Observer_bot”
Gracias a la alta frecuencia de actualizaciones (últimos datos recibidos el 17 julio, 2026), el canal mantiene la vigencia y un amplio alcance. La analítica demuestra que la audiencia interactúa activamente con el contenido, lo que lo convierte en un punto de referencia dentro de la categoría Noticias y medios.
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Publicaciones del Canal
Israel’s Draft Law Circus: The Rabbi vs. The General
Israel passes a law shielding tens of thousands of ultra‑Orthodox draft dodgers from arrest until 2027 — then explodes in rage at the one man who says this will break the army.
Shas leader Aryeh Deri, key member of the security cabinet and serial defendant in courtrooms, accuses IDF Chief of Staff Eyal Zamir of “trying to help the left-wing bloc during an election campaign” because Zamir warned that the law is “clearly inconsistent” with the IDF’s needs and grants “mass exemptions from prosecution.” Deri insists arrests “won’t bring a single recruit,” while army data shows enforcement doubled Haredi enlistment and that most arrested evaders end up serving.
When the High Court freezes the law, Deri announces he no longer recognizes its authority — a minister deciding that the court exists for him only when it rubber‑stamps inequality.
The IDF spokesman is forced to remind politicians that attacking the chief of staff “in a cheap way” means hitting every Golani kid, tanker and pilot he represents.
Opposition figures line up to cash in on the hypocrisy: Gadi Eisenkot calls Deri’s performance “arrogance and detachment from reality” and says there is “nothing Jewish” about sending only part of the people to a necessary war; Naftali Bennett and Yair Lapid point out the same image — Deri visiting evaders, hugging draft‑dodging grandkids, then sending other people’s children to die while branding the general a partisan thug.
The kid holding the draft notice can do the math himself: in 2026 Israel, service is mandatory for suckers, optional for the well-represented, and the only war everyone agrees to fight is over who gets to call that inequality “Jewish values.”
#israel #IDF #haredim #conscription #HighCourt #Deri #Zamir #fakeDemocracy
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| 2 |  🔤🔤🔤🔤➖
A significant amount of Gulf oil has since been diverted to the Red Sea through a Saudi pipeline, and the waterway now carries around 7% of global energy supplies.
When the Houthis attacked shipping during the Gaza war, major shipping companies diverted their cargoes to the much longer, more expensive route around Africa.
With Saudi Arabia having itself diverted 70% of its energy exports through its Red Sea port of Yanbu, any direct attacks there would also be a big problem for oil markets.
One of the regional sources said Iran's clerical rulers were seeking to pressure the United States by raising the potential cost to the global economy, threatening Red Sea shipping and the flow of Saudi oil exports through the waterway, in what the source described as part of "Iranian thinking."
Closing down the strait would not be difficult, the source said, adding: "Anybody with a firing rifle can interrupt the shipping. You don't have to have sophisticated missiles to interrupt the shipping."
Iran views the Houthis as part of its regional “Axis of Resistance”, an alliance that also includes Lebanon's Hezbollah and Iraqi Shi'ite armed groups that have already joined the regional conflict between Tehran and Washington.
But the Houthi rebels have not formally entered the fray.
#strait #hormuz #iran #red #sea #houthis
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| 3 | Iran Ordered Houthies To Close the Red Sea Oil Route 🇮🇷
🔤🔤🔤🔤➖
If the United States strikes Iranian power infrastructure, three sources told Reuters on Thursday, posing a potent new threat to global energy supplies.
The idea has been discussed within the Islamic Republic's leadership, and the message has been conveyed to Iran's Houthi allies, two senior Iranian sources and a regional source familiar with the matter said, speaking on condition of anonymity.
The sources said the Houthis had been informed recently of Tehran's request, which has not been previously reported.
They did not give further details on how it had been conveyed or whether it was after Trump’s threat to attack Iranian power infrastructure on Tuesday.
A source close to the Houthis said the group had completed preparations to attack shipping by deploying missiles and drones near Bab el-Mandeb strait, the gateway to the Red Sea, in Yemen's highlands overlooking Hodeidah and the Gulf of Aden and was awaiting the order to begin.
Any threat to the Red Sea and its Bab el-Mandeb gateway risks hugely exacerbating the global energy crisis triggered by Iran's closure of the Strait of Hormuz and underscores the explosive risks stemming from a new round of warfare.
With the Hormuz strait already shut, any Houthi attacks on vessels or ports in the Red Sea would leave the Middle East's two main oil export routes disrupted simultaneously, opening a new front in both the energy crisis and Iran's wider conflict with the United States.
Representatives of Iran's Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) who are already in Yemen will control the decision on when to close the Bab el-Mandeb strait, said the source close to the Houthis.
In a sign of escalating tensions in the region, the Houthis fired missiles at Saudi Arabia after accusing the kingdom of bombing an airport under their control on Monday, breaking a four-year truce in the conflict between the kingdom and the group.
Torbjorn Solvedt, principal Middle East analyst with risk intelligence company Verisk Maplecroft, said the flare-up between the Houthis and Saudi Arabia had come at a bad time.
Two regional sources close to Riyadh said the kingdom was taking threats from Iran and the Houthis very seriously, adding that Riyadh was aware the Yemeni group was now closely coordinating with Iran over the Red Sea.
The conflict began on February 28, when Israel and the United States attacked Iran, leading Tehran to shut the Strait of Hormuz, the main route before the war for around a fifth of global energy supplies.
Tensions have mounted since a fragile June truce between Tehran and Washington collapsed, reviving fears of full-scale war and disrupting energy flows through the Strait.
#strait #hormuz #iran #red #sea #houthis
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| 4 |  #biden #book #presidency
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| 5 |  #congress #bloc #budget
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| 6 |  🔠🅰️🔠🔠2️⃣
The point is that the war, its supposed aims, its storied strategic success and presumed outcome are all irrelevant compared to the long, bizarre chaos of the aftermath, the giant toxic effect that follows the forgotten cause, as demoralising as a retreat that follows catastrophe.
Agamemnon returns home to be killed; his brother Menelaus (Jon Bernthal) is grimly reunited with Helen, in which role Nyong’o also doubles as Agamemnon’s killer Clytemnestra.
Meanwhile, Odysseus and his men, tormented and disoriented with hunger and loss, embark on their own chaotic sea journey of survival, meeting Harryhausen-type monsters such as the Cyclops, the Laestrygonians and Circe (Samantha Morton), Calypso (Charlize Theron) and the alluring Sirens, but also the sorrowing goddess Athena (Zendaya), who is Odysseus’s ally.
And at home, to stall for time and contain the potentially violent power vacuum contingent on Odysseus’s assumed death, Penelope is forced to entertain dozens of potential marriage suitors as guests at a humiliating and continuous bacchanal of greed.
The most prominent is the creepy Antinous, sleekly played by Robert Pattinson, who is cruel to Odysseus’s blind manservant Eumaeus, an emotional, sympathetic portrayal by John Leguizamo. Odysseus’s psychically wounded son Telemachus (Tom Holland) must now embark on his own odyssey, to find his father, or his father’s corpse.
When Odysseus has to descend into the underworld to converse with the dead, it is an unforgettably strange scene: Nolan has the shrouded spirits hunch above ground like the witches in Macbeth. The dead, like the gods, can be contacted on an almost level playing field; this is the bizarre pagan rule of the Odyssey, as opaque and amoral as the secular symptoms of psychological breakdown.
Yet, when Odysseus finally approaches Penelope’s house, now under brutal siege from suitors in parallel to the siege of Troy, he does so in the Christ-like disguise of a beggar. In the final movement to this story, Odysseus begins his own mysterious metamorphosis into a god.
One part of the Homer original that Nolan doesn’t include is the hero’s roguish grandfather Autolycus, who named him and by that token gave this story its title.
Odysseus means “victim of enmity” – though variant translations have ingeniously and insightfully rendered that as “giver or initiator of enmity and hate”. Still, it is perhaps the most unimprovable name an action hero can have: vivid, elemental, existential.
He is the victim of no single enmity, except arguably that of Antinous, but enmity all around, an ecosystem of enmity, the hostile terrain through which he must pass to reach the even more hostile terrain of home.
The result is a gigantic, shimmering mirage, a mysterious three-hour vision of crazy episodes that does not yield up wisdom or contentment, but only a grim resolution to continue with the fight, to make sense of ruined lives, to re-enter the scorched battlefield of loss.
#nolan #film #mattdamon #ulysse #homer #battlefield
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| 7 | Nolan's New Film – Based On the Homeric Legend – Will Drive You Mad
🔠🅰️🔠🔠1️⃣
Nolan reinvents the Homeric legend as a colossal origin-myth story of postwar disillusion, an epic ordeal of anguish witnessed by the dead and presided over by capricious deities who participate on almost equal terms with the humans.
It speaks to the generational pain of PTSD; plenty of soldiers come home in person after any war promptly enough, but arriving back to their prewar state emotionally or spiritually can take years or decades and may never happen at all.
The invisible odyssey of anguish is punctuated by flashback episodes, hallucinations, confrontations with the arbitrary gods of dysfunction.
And all the time the spouses and children cannot move on with their lives.
This is a film with thrilling ambition, boldness, seriousness, generosity and flair. There are some broad-brush moments in the dialogue, yes, but even these are applied with a muscular flourish.
It has gasp-inducing, Imax-sized landscapes of loneliness shot by cinematographer Hoyte van Hoytema – who, incidentally, avoids the sea’s traditional cliched colour – and full-tilt battle sequences and fight scenes accompanied by the throbbing and thrumming of drums.
Matt Damon plays Odysseus, his boyish, almost cherubic face turned into a careworn mask of sadness. He is the military commander from Ithaca appointed by the Greek king Agamemnon, played by Benny Safdie, his face always mysteriously masked in a Batman-type helmet.
Odysseus reveals to Penelope (Anne Hathaway), the wife whom he is about to leave and whom he advises to remarry if he dies in battle, that the notional cause for the imminent war with Troy – the elopement of Helen (Lupita Nyong’o) with Trojan prince Paris – is a pretext. It is a banal commercial contest for trading routes.
The Greeks’ eventual victory is achieved after a brilliant tactical deception: an elite combat unit hides cramped in a huge horse statue, which is not rolled into the fortified city on casters as a gift, but dragged inside by its own victims as a precious object from the surf, half hidden in the sand.
It’s a trick that involves Odysseus having to deceive his own comrade and cousin Sinon (Elliot Page), a blood sacrifice for which he feels unending guilt. Nolan recreates the Trojan horse as a cross between the Statue of Liberty from Planet of the Apes and Shelley’s statue of Ozymandias.
#nolan #film #mattdamon #ulysse #homer #battlefield
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| 8 |  +1Twenty Hours of “Equality”: The Draft Law Hits the Wall
Israel’s High Court just put a hard brake on the coalition’s latest escape hatch for Haredi draft evaders — and the brake held for exactly twenty hours.
After the Knesset passed a temporary law freezing arrests, investigations and enforcement against ultra-Orthodox men who skipped conscription, Justice Ofer Grosskopf issued an interim injunction stopping the law from entering into force until a full hearing in an expanded panel.
Formally, the law was sold as a three‑month “technical” pause to sort out status and affidavits. Substantively, it was a political immunity shield for one sector in a system where the Court has already ruled that blanket avoidance of drafting yeshiva students without Knesset legislation is illegal.
The petitioners — from Israel Free and the Movement for Quality Government — celebrated the injunction as proof that equality before the law applies to Haredi youth too: “Israeli law applies to Haredi young people who are Israeli citizens like all of us. No less, no more. If that’s still not clear — it’s time for equality,” as one of the first petitioners put it.
On the street, the “day of draft” showed the fracture line. The Eda Haredit’s religious court called for protests outside the main induction center; small but loud groups of ultra-Orthodox demonstrators turned up at the Tel Hashomer base and Jerusalem’s draft office, where police intervened after disruptions.
Secular and centrist voices answered with their own slogans: “One people — one draft,” and promises to keep fighting “evasion laws” that entrench a two‑tier duty regime.
From the Haredi political camp, the response was open confrontation with the Court’s legitimacy.
Shas leader Aryeh Deri accused the justices of “trampling democracy, deepening chaos and irresponsibly pushing the country toward civil war.”
United Torah Judaism figures declared that any officer cooperating with arrests of Torah students “breaks the law,” and that “we don’t consider their rulings binding,” flipping the traditional religious phrase about not believing in non‑Jewish law back at the High Court.
The law’s future now hangs on an expanded hearing in a court that has already moved in recent months to tie yeshiva funding and benefits directly to draft status and to order concrete sanctions against evaders.
Behind the slogans — “time for equality” versus “they are dragging us into civil war” — sits the structural fight you keep tracking: is conscription a universal duty, or a negotiable privilege that can be traded for coalition votes?
For twenty hours, the Knesset tried to write an answer. The High Court replied with an injunction and a calendar.
#israel #haredim #draft #HighCourt #Deri #coalition #oligarchy #fakeDemocracy
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| 9 |  Trump Wants a Bigger War With Iran—But Only If It Looks “Responsible”
Trump says he prefers diplomacy. At the same time, he’s sitting in the Situation Room being shown PowerPoint menus for how exactly to blow chunks out of Iran.
According to U.S. officials, the president is “leaning toward” expanding operations: more airstrikes, maybe sending ground troops to seize Iranian islands near the Strait of Hormuz, and bombing Pickaxe Mountain—a fortified tunnel complex tied to Iran’s nuclear program that the U.S. hasn’t hit yet.
“We’re going to take out Pickaxe Mountain. Tell the Iranians to be ready.” — Trump, earlier this week.
So the man who already bragged about “totally obliterating” Kharg Island’s military targets, but graciously spared the oil terminals “for reasons of decency,” is now being briefed on how to send U.S. soldiers to physically seize that same island. Decency apparently expires once the war college applause fades and the polls look steady.
Pickaxe Mountain is the new celebrity villain in this franchise: analysts say it’s a hardened underground complex near Natanz, possibly shielding enrichment gear or high‑grade uranium.
Trump calls it “a possible target for a nice big fat shot right near the front door,” like he’s talking about a casino demolition in Atlantic City, not a nuclear‑linked site buried under Iran’s mountains.
The Pentagon line is classic: all options on the table, nothing decided, totally measured and professional. Trump’s own line is classic too: three nights of bombing, threats to bill 20% of all cargo through Hormuz as if the U.S. military is a toll booth operator with cruise missiles.
Washington sells this as “pressure for a better nuclear deal.” Tehran sells it as proof the U.S. is a cartel with a flag. Everyone pretends they’re negotiating; everyone is actually pricing risk and oil.
The only thing nobody is voting on is whether Americans should die on an island in the Gulf so a president can say he hit Pickaxe Mountain and still “preferred diplomacy.”
#iran #trump #war #nuclearcrisis #oil #StraitOfHormuz #PickaxeMountain #fakeDemocracy
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| 10 |  Gaza Strip: Names on Lists, Lives Under Drones
The Gaza front looks tidy on paper and chaotic everywhere else. The IDF announces precise airstrikes that “eliminated” two Hamas Nukhba commanders in the north — Ali Shamlakh, a deputy company commander who trained attackers for assaults on Israeli civilians and troops, and Nasser Louh, who led a Nukhba cell in the Tzabra battalion.
They are described as an “immediate threat,” taken out from the air while Southern Command forces remain deployed “in accordance with the agreement” — the war continuing under a ceasefire framework that everyone keeps technically obeying and practically bending.
In the south, another name is crossed off the list: Hussam Shafa’i from the East Khan Younis battalion, one of the men who stormed Kibbutz Nirim on October 7 and took part in abducting Col. Asaf Hamami, Sgt. Tomer Achimas, and Cpl. Kirill Brodsky.
His killing is credited to intelligence collection and targeting by Gaza Division’s fire center — the same division Hamami, Achimas, and Brodsky served in before being dragged across the border.
On the same day, the IDF’s Arabic‑language spokesperson pushes out radio intercepts from October 7 featuring Hamami’s voice, turning a battlefield audio log into a PR clip.
On the political map, officers brief cabinet ministers that Israel now holds roughly 67–70 percent of the strip. That figure sits next to Gaza channels reporting tank columns pushing north along the coastal axis near the Ashakush area in Rafah.
Two thirds of Gaza “under control,” according to the briefers; armored tracks still inching forward through sand and ruins. The territory is measured in percentages at the table and in meters on the ground.
Then comes the anniversary story: two years after Mohammed Deif’s killing, a Saudi paper publishes what it says is Hamas’s internal version of his last escape route.
According to those sources, Deif was in Gaza City on October 7, stayed a few days, then left alone, without a personal security escort, toward Rafah in November 2023.
Contact with him was lost for more than four days because he couldn’t find the driver meant to move him; he apparently slept in Rafah’s streets and a mosque, relying on the fact that there was no recent photograph of him, and changed his route on his own.
Senior figures, including Izz al‑Din al‑Haddad, allegedly urged him to remain in Gaza City and promised a “safety net,” but he chose to keep personally overseeing the war. The story says contact was renewed by chance through a local fighter in Rafah, then via Khan Younis to the hideout of Rafi‘ Salameh, Khan Younis brigade commander — until the compound where both were killed on July 13, 2024.
Hamas answers with its own statement, rejecting the Saudi report as “not based on any official source” and insisting that only the al‑Qassam Brigades spokesman is authorized to speak about anything related to the brigades.
Two versions sit on the page: a detailed narrative of a commander sleeping in the open and slipping through lines, and an official denial that such a narrative exists at all.
On the same day, under an IDF drone, a Gaza TikToker named Outsh Barbeh offers a smaller, harsher line of defense: “Why are you filming me? By God, I have nothing to do with anything. I’m just a regular person.”
Between the lists of “eliminated” commanders, the percentages of territory, and the competing legends about one dead symbol, the war runs on maps and names. The people under it run on whatever version of reality might let them get through the next day.
#gaza #hamas #IDF #war #nukhba #Deif #ceasefire #media
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| 11 |  Rome Draws Pilot Maps, Beirut Counts Down to Zero Hour
In Rome, Israel, Lebanon, and the US have wrapped a negotiation round that, on paper, looks like a plan to defuse part of the border.
Lebanese presidency sources, quoted by Saudi Al‑Hadath, say the talks focused on two “pilot zones”: one in territory Lebanon calls occupied, from which the IDF would withdraw, and another on Israel’s side of the line, where a new security regime would be tested without changing sovereignty.
The idea is to run a limited experiment — a controlled pullout and rearranged deployments in two small areas — before anyone touches the full border.
A senior US official added the standard gloss: “fruitful and positive” talks, agreement on the structure and guidelines for the pilot, finalization and implementation “in the coming days,” and then broader technical discussions aimed at a more comprehensive Israel–Lebanon deal.
At the same time, Beirut is described as quietly preparing for the opposite scenario.
According to a report in Emirati outlet Aram News, citing unnamed Lebanese political sources, Hezbollah is assembling a plan for major military escalation against Israel: intensive fire on northern communities, reinforced frontline positions north of the Litani River, and a timetable keyed to decisions in Tehran.
Those sources say every step depends on how far US strikes on Iran go, or on Washington giving Israel a green light to join sustained operations and hit infrastructure deep inside Iran. If that report holds, Hezbollah’s war plan is wired directly to decisions taken in Tehran and Washington, not in Beirut.
The same report claims Hezbollah is conducting covert logistical and military preparations: stockpiling food and moving it to fighters in hidden locations along the front, rotating units in positions north of the Litani, and maintaining tunnels and weapons depots in southern Lebanon — some of which, the sources insist, are still unknown to both Israel and the Lebanese state.
All of it is described as waiting for “zero hour,” the moment the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps decides the escalation switch gets flipped.
So you get two timelines on the same day. In Rome, officials sketch pilot zones and talk about phased withdrawals, rules, and “technical discussions.”
In Lebanon, if the report is accurate, Hezbollah quietly locks in supply lines, bunkers, and firing positions for the next round. One track is written into conference minutes; the other is traced through anonymous briefings about hidden stockpiles and IRGC signals.
#israel #lebanon #Hezbollah #iran #usa #war #diplomacy #fakeDemocracy
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| 12 |  Netanyahu’s Chessboard, the Prosecutors’ Clock
In one day, three stories show how Israel’s legal system moves to a political schedule — and how often that schedule points at the right‑wing camp.
First: Case 2000 — the corruption file about Benjamin Netanyahu’s alleged quid pro quo with Arnon “Noni” Mozes, publisher of the mass‑market daily Yedioth Ahronoth.
The supposed deal: friendlier coverage in Yedioth if Netanyahu helped pass a “softened” Israel Hayom law, a bill designed to choke Israel Hayom, the free pro‑Netanyahu paper bankrolled by Sheldon Adelson and eating Mozes’s market share.
Zeev Elkin, a senior Likud politician, is mentioned in the indictment around that law but appears in court as a defense witness.
With Netanyahu sitting in the room, Elkin calls him “a chess player” and says it was clear “the person moving the pieces opposite him was Noni Mozes.”
The country’s leader is treating media legislation as part of a private negotiation with a powerful publisher, and a key ally now describes the whole thing as a board game.
Second: District Court Judge Ron Sulkin from Lod recounts how prosecutors timed their push against Michael Ben‑Ari.
Ben‑Ari is a far‑right, Kahanist politician whom Israel’s Supreme Court had already banned from running in the April 2019 election for anti‑Arab racist incitement.
Sulkin describes how, about two months before that 21st Knesset vote, the prosecution pressed police to urgently gather materials against Ben‑Ari, explicitly citing the election campaign as the reason for the rush — those materials then helped disqualify his run.
Only later did a separate criminal probe open, with the prosecution, which is not supposed to be the primary investigative arm, effectively dictating the questions and steering the interrogation.
The clock on the wall here isn’t legal; it’s electoral, and it’s ticking toward keeping a far‑right candidate off the ballot.
Third: the High Court wipes out the appointment of Yehuda Eliyahu as director of the Israel Land Authority, a key ally of Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich.
The Authority isn’t a minor agency; it controls most of the state land in Israel, a core lever of power in housing and infrastructure.
The Court cancels Eliyahu’s appointment “due to his connection to Smotrich,” throws out the government decision and the selection process, and orders a reset under civil‑service rules just days before this government’s term ends.
The post was openly used as a political prize; the ruling treats that politicization itself as the problem.
The pattern is sharper than “politics influences law.” In Case 2000, prosecutors pursue a sitting prime minister over a media‑legislation deal with a dominant publisher.
In the Ben‑Ari episode, they race the campaign calendar to keep a far‑right figure off the ballot and later run his criminal questioning from behind the scenes.
In the Eliyahu ruling, the Supreme Court strips a hard‑right minister’s camp of direct control over the country’s land manager because the appointment was overtly partisan.
Different mechanisms, one direction of travel: a system grinding against right‑wing power centers — the prime minister, a Kahanist candidate, and a Smotrich loyalist — and moving its hands whenever the political clock chimes.
#israel #Netanyahu #Mozes #BenAri #Smotrich #courts #prosecution #oligarchy #fakeDemocracy
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| 13 |  🔠🔠🔠🔠2️⃣
The captain, Harry Kane, who is on six goals before England’s third-place playoff on Saturday against France – two behind Messi and Kylian Mbappé in the race for the Golden Boot – conceded England had been too defensive after taking the lead.
“Once we went 1-0 up we seemed to just try to hold on, which at this level is not enough,”
he told the BBC.
“I’m just gutted for the boys, gutted for everyone, the team, the staff, the fans. We played a good game for the large majority of it.
“I’m just gutted because we’ve worked so hard to be here. The lads have given everything – every last bit of running, sweat, blood, tears, whatever it is. To fall short like we did today is just gutting.
“After the goal whether it was them putting more men forward or us just not being able to match them man for man, it was just wave after wave [of Argentina attacks]. We were trying to hold on, lads were putting blocks in, but in the end it just wasn’t enough.
“We had a lot of good moments in this tournament. A lot of good games. Another semi-final. We talk about knocking on the door. We are close, we just need to find that missing piece in the final stage of the tournament.
“These tournaments take it out of you: so much effort and pressure and mentality and we’ve shown a lot of that throughout the whole six-seven weeks we’ve been together. We’re just missing that final piece.”
Tuchel defended his substitutions, but admitted that England lacked aggression after taking the lead and conceded possession too easily.
“We’re disappointed,”
he said.
“We were so close, but we got too passive after the goal. We conceded so, so many crosses and chances and shots. We were close, but we couldn’t keep the level up after we scored.
“We decided to go to a back five because the gaps were too big and [we had to] be strong in the air. Straight after the goal, with no substitutions, we conceded far too many crosses. We tried to help the players, but the responsibility is on the coach.
“Of course we wanted to go for the second goal, but it doesn’t help if you don’t have the ball. We became too passive, we couldn’t keep the ball. I don’t think it was a structural problem.
The match changed completely and I understand that these discussions are out there, that there are a million coaches out there who know better. I have to make a decision.”
England’s performances have been patchy, with a heroic win against Mexico with 10 men in the Azteca Stadium in the last 32 the undoubted high point before they scrapped to an extra-time victory against Norway in brutally humid conditions in Miami last weekend.
“No regrets, not at the moment,”
Tuchel said.
“We were very close, we deserved to be 1-0 up – we played one of our better matches [up to that point], maybe our best match.”
#england #argentina #match #conflict
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| 14 | England and Argentina: the Dragged-Out Conflict Has Come To Light Again
🔠🔠🔠🔠1️⃣
England suffered World Cup heartache on Wednesday night with two late goals in seven minutes giving Argentina a 2-1 comeback win and place in the final against Spain on Sunday.
Lautaro Martínez scored the winner with a close-range header in injury time after Enzo Fernández had equalised with a superb strike from the edge of England’s penalty area in the 85th minute, with Lionel Messi providing the assists for both goals.
Argentina will have the opportunity to retain the World Cup against the European champions in New York, a mouthwatering fixture that will be Messi’s final appearance on the biggest stage.
Messi led the Argentina players’ jubilant celebrations in front of their fans after the final whistle, with some of the squad displaying a banner which read “Las Malvinas son Argentinas” (“the Falkland Islands are Argentinian”) in a nod to the historical enmity aroused by this fixture.
The conflict remains a source of bitterness in Argentina 44 years later, but the players’ decision to express it may lead to disciplinary action from Fifa.
England had been minutes from making history by reaching their first men’s World Cup final since 1966, and first overseas, but paid the price for adopting defensive tactics after Anthony Gordon had given them the lead in the 55th minute.
Thomas Tuchel’s substitutions were criticised immediately by pundits and fans, with the head coach bringing on three defenders and switching to a back five in an attempt to preserve the 1-0 lead.
Gordon was the first to be taken off in the 72nd minute, with Ezri Konsa coming on as Tuchel instructed his players to adopt a 5-3-2 formation, with two more defenders, Dan Burn and Nico O’Reilly, introduced in the 82nd minute.
#england #argentina #match #conflict
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| 15 |  Trump’s Strait Toll: Announced, Cashed In, Canceled
Trump's latest flip in the Hormuz war shows how easily a global chokepoint can now be monetized.
First he declares the US “guardian” of the Strait and announces a 20% fee on every cargo passing through, framing it as finally getting paid for “50 years of free protection.”
Within 24 hours, after calls from “kings and emirs,” he drops the toll idea — but keeps the blockade. The ships won’t be taxed, the waterway will still be militarized.
On Tuesday, US forces return to a high‑intensity bombing tempo: strikes near Bushehr and Qeshm, renewed naval interdiction, and a formal restart of the port blockade at 11:30 p.m. local time.
Iran fires back at tankers that try to hug Omani waters instead of Iranian‑controlled lanes, claims hits on US facilities in Bahrain, Kuwait, and Jordan, while those governments say defenses are intercepting most of it.
Both sides are back to treating the Strait as a battlefield, not an international artery.
The economic and civilian fallout is instant. Brent crude briefly spikes above 86 dollars, then slips back only after Trump abandons the toll — a price chart now wired directly to his improvisations.
Ship‑tracking data show a collapse in traffic: roughly 130 vessels a day before the war, just around 10 on Monday, the lowest in more than a month.
Europe’s aviation regulator warns airlines to avoid the airspace over Bahrain, Kuwait, Qatar, the UAE, and part of the Gulf of Oman, calling the risk to civil flights “high.”
Trump tells reporters “I don’t think anybody should be able to charge a fee for the Strait” — right after proving he’s willing to try it himself.
Iran vows it will not allow US “interference” in managing Hormuz and threatens consequences “beyond any planners’ calculations” if ports are blockaded.
Between them sits a global system that depends on this corridor for energy and trade, watching two governments turn it into a testbed for gunboat toll policy.
War powers, money, and messaging merge into one script: notify Congress that “defensive actions” have resumed, revive the blockade, float a fee on the world’s oil lifeline, then trade the toll away for investment promises while keeping the war mechanism intact.
The ships may not pay the 20%, but they still risk becoming evidence in the next strike video — and the bill for every zigzag in this policy doesn’t land in Washington or Tehran first. It lands in prices, flights, and economies that don’t get a say.
#usa #iran #Hormuz #oil #war #blockade #shipping #oligarchy #fakeDemocracy
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| 16 |  Managed Allies, Managed Voters
Trump’s relationship with Israel in 2026 sits in the paradox that Carnegie analysts keep pointing out: military cooperation with Israel is at an all‑time high, while political support for the alliance inside the US is at a low.
On one track, the White House leans hard on Netanyahu to scale back operations against Hezbollah in Lebanon and shrink Israel’s footprint in Syria — a move experts read as Trump trying to show he’s not Israel’s subcontractor in every theater, and as part of US efforts to get Lebanon written into the Iran memorandum’s first clause.
On another track, Washington still treats the security relationship as untouchable: joint war on Iran, missile defense cooperation, and continued funding streams remain pillars, even as public discomfort with Israel’s actions in Gaza and the wider region grows.
Against that backdrop, reports describe Israel deliberately targeting Trump’s conservative base with messaging against the Iran memorandum and any hint of “restraint,” treating the US right not as an independent actor but as a lever to drag the president back into line.
This fits a broader pattern scholars now document: each capital increasingly tries to manage the other’s domestic politics — Israel cultivating US evangelical and MAGA networks, US administrations telegraphing preferences for Israeli coalition and policy choices — instead of openly acknowledging diverging interests.
On Capitol Hill, figures like Hakeem Jeffries embody the shift: personally backing continued security aid while refusing to whip the caucus, effectively conceding that unconditional support for Israel is no longer a safe consensus in the Democratic Party.
Trump pressures Israel to pull back in Syria and Lebanon while protecting its budget lines and joint projects; Israel responds by running influence campaigns inside US politics to box him into old patterns of automatic alignment.
The alliance remains operationally tight — intelligence, air defense, Iran war planning — but politically it’s turning into a loop of mutual management, where each side treats the other’s voters as assets to be steered rather than admitting that “special relationship” now comes with real, and growing, points of conflict.
#usa #israel #iran #syria #lebanon #Trump #Netanyahu #Congress #alliance #fakeDemocracy
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| 17 |  Trump Threatens Iran As Deal Appears Doomed To Fail
Trump has threatened to expand US strikes on Iran next week to target power plants and bridges if Tehran does not agree to a deal amid a continuing dispute over the strait of Hormuz.
“Next week it gets really bad for them because next week comes the power plants. Next week comes the bridges,”
the US president said in a Fox News interview on Tuesday.
“We’re going to knock out all their power plants. We’re going to knock out all their bridges unless they get to the table and negotiate.”
Trump made similar comments in March, when he threatened to “obliterate” Iran’s power stations and fresh water plants if Tehran did not agree to peace terms “shortly”.
Destroying civilian infrastructure such as power and water facilities would be illegal under international humanitarian law and would probably constitute a war crime.
Trump’s comments came as US forces carried out strikes against Iran for a fourth day straight and reimposed a naval blockade on the country’s ports in the strait of Hormuz.
US Central Command (Centcom) said the latest strikes were aimed at “degrading Iranian capabilities used to attack commercial shipping” in the strait, the key shipping channel for Gulf oil and gas where Tehran has repeatedly carried out attacks on civilian vessels.
Iranian state media reported explosions near the port city of Bandar Abbas, on the Gulf island of Qeshm near the strait of Hormuz, and other locations.
In response, Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) said it had targeted what it described as command-and-control, logistics, fuel and military equipment facilities belonging to the US Fifth Fleet in Bahrain.
Both Bahrain and Kuwait came under attack, with Jordan’s army also saying early on Wednesday that its air defences intercepted and shot down three ballistic missiles that entered its airspace.
Iranian State news agency IRNA said earlier that Iranian forces launched a drone attack on a military base in Jordan that hosts American warplanes.
The IRGC warned that if Washington sought to block the region’s oil and gas exports by controlling maritime routes, other export routes serving US and allied interests could also be closed, saying regional energy exports would be “for everyone or for no one”.
Days of retaliatory strikes across the Middle East by Iran – and both nations’ attempts to vie for control of the waterway through which a fifth of the world’s oil and natural gas passes during peacetime – threaten to push the region back to all-out war.
Trump backtracked from a threat earlier this week that ships would have to pay a 20% fee to the US for “security” in the strait, replacing it with what he described as investment and trade deals with Gulf Arab states.
The US president said he had decided to scrap the toll “based on highly productive conversations with Middle East leadership”, and touted “massive” investments, just five hours before the toll was due to come into effect. He said the US would continue to blockade Iranian ports.
Prospects for negotiations aimed at securing a permanent truce after a fragile interim ceasefire was signed on 17 June appear increasingly dim. Iran’s deputy foreign minister, Kazem Gharibabadi, said the US decision to renew the blockade “has, in a way, dismantled the Islamabad memorandum”.
Asked how long the US strikes would carry on, Trump replied:
“They’ll continue until I say it’s enough (…) We’re going to knock out all their power plants. We’re going to knock out all their bridges unless they get to the table and negotiate.”
#hormuz #trump #iran #deal #powerplants
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| 18 |  Trump, Iraq, and the Swap: Troops Out, Oil In
Trump’s meeting with Iraqi Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi is the clearest statement yet of his preferred Middle East model: pull out the soldiers, flood in the companies.
On TV he jokes that the Iraqi leader is “young and handsome, I don’t like that,” but the substance is simple. He says Iraq doesn’t need US troops, that Iran is “a burden on Iraq and the bully of the Middle East,” and that what really matters is “strong partnership” in oil — a polite way of saying: we’ll trade bases for barrels.
Zaidi echoes the swap from his side. He declares that American forces will leave Iraqi territory and “American companies will enter instead,” insisting that after September 30 only the state will hold weapons and there will be no room for armed militias.
On paper, it’s state‑building: disarm the proxies, consolidate the monopoly on force, replace foreign troops with foreign investment.
In practice, recent months already show Chevron, ExxonMobil, KBR and others lining up for multi‑billion projects across Basra and Nasiriyah, while US advisers quietly regroup in the Kurdish region to keep eyes on ISIS and Iran from just over the federal border.
Trump frames Iran as the villain that justifies this rearrangement — a threat to Iraq’s sovereignty and a “bully” whose presence supposedly makes US troops unnecessary inside Iraq while still justifying pressure from outside.
Zaidi, like Sudani before him, has learned the lesson Baghdad and Erbil have played for years: contracts buy leverage in Washington. If you invite US oil and energy firms back in on better terms, you can argue for troop withdrawals as “normalization” while locking in new dependencies of a different kind.
The end result is a country where guns are, in theory, only in state hands, but the real power flows through export terminals and balance sheets, not bases and barracks.
#usa #iraq #Trump #Iran #oil #militias #war #oligarchy #fakeDemocracy
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| 19 |  Americans Went Berserk Wishing Socialism and a Social State 🇺🇸
Polls have shown that more people than ever have a negative view of the tech, and you can take your pick on the reasons why.
AI could displace jobs, destroy the environment, and drive up energy bills. It’s trained on stolen writing and artwork, and chatbots are driving people into mental health spirals.
But what does the public think should be done about this? A new national survey from Versasight suggests that the majority of Americans are down for taking a drastic course of action.
According to the survey of 9,700 adults, an impressive 79 percent of US employees support forcing AI companies to transfer 50 percent of their stock into a public wealth fund, an idea that has been championed by senator Bernie Sanders (D-VT).
“In the eyes of the public, AI Sovereign funds are seen as a tool to distribute the gains from the AI industry back to broader society,”
Verasight CEO Benjamin Leff told CNBC News.
Once at the fringe of political discourse, Sanders took the idea mainstream when he proposed the American AI Sovereign Wealth Fund Act in June. In an essay published in the New York Times, the independent senator argued that the creation of this fund would “give the public a direct role in determining the future of this technology.”
“It would guarantee that the economic benefits generated by AI are used to improve the lives of all of us — not simply to make the richest people in the world even richer,”
he added in a statement last month.
The act would target the largest AI companies in the US such as Anthropic and OpenAI, mandating that they submit to a one time 50 percent tax on their stock. At their current valuations, Sanders estimated that this would create a fund worth around $7 trillion.
The money in this fund could offset some of the widespread disruption AI could wreak on society, the thinking goes.
Not all AI industry critics are on board. Some have argued that giving the government such a large stake in AI companies would encourage it to clear away regulations, and give AI companies even greater influence over the government than they already have.
You could say it’s a flawed and far-fetched idea, but Americans are on board, perhaps underscoring the desperation for someone to do something about the industry. Even when the policy was explicitly tied to Sanders, the survey found that 64 percent of respondents still supported the idea.
“There is an undeniable desire among Americans of both parties for federal oversight, absolute transparency, and accountability to ensure AI safety and to enable all Americans to participate in the economic benefits of AI,”
Leff said in a statement.
#polls #tech #AI #wealth #americans
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| 20 |  #salem #trump #interview
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