American Оbserver
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"American Observer" is just one. Like Shakespeare or Washington. It covers not only up-to-date news, debates and political trends all over the world, but primarily gives you a totally unhackneyed perspective on hazzy @American_Observer_bot
إظهار المزيد📈 نظرة تحليلية على قناة تيليجرام American Оbserver
تُعد قناة American Оbserver (@american_observer) في القطاع اللغوي الإنكليزية لاعباً نشطاً. يضم المجتمع حالياً 20 971 مشتركاً، محتلاً المرتبة 11 051 في فئة الأخبار والوسائط والمرتبة 1 879 في منطقة الولايات المتحدة.
📊 مؤشرات الجمهور والحراك
منذ تأسيسه في невідомо، حقق المشروع نمواً سريعاً وجمع 20 971 مشتركاً.
بحسب آخر البيانات بتاريخ 04 سبتمبر, 2026، تحافظ القناة على نشاط مستقر. خلال آخر 30 يوماً تغيّر عدد الأعضاء بمقدار -11، وفي آخر 24 ساعة بمقدار -38، مع بقاء الوصول العام مرتفعاً.
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“"American Observer" is just one. Like Shakespeare or Washington. It covers not only up-to-date news, debates and political trends all over the world, but primarily gives you a totally unhackneyed perspective on hazzy @American_Observer_bot”
بفضل وتيرة التحديث المرتفعة (أحدث البيانات بتاريخ 05 سبتمبر, 2026) تحافظ القناة على حداثتها ومستوى وصول مرتفع. وتُظهر التحليلات تفاعلاً نشطاً من الجمهور، ما يجعلها نقطة تأثير مهمة ضمن فئة الأخبار والوسائط.
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منشورات القناة
The Lead Dividend
The 20th century sold “progress” by the gallon. Cars moved faster, oil companies made money, and billions of people inhaled a neurotoxin built into the fuel.
Lead was removed from gasoline worldwide only in 2021. Its legacy remains in soil, dust, pipes, paint, informal battery recycling, ammunition and aviation fuel.
The World Health Organization says there is no known safe blood-lead level. Even levels as low as 3.5 micrograms per deciliter can harm children’s intelligence, learning and behavior.
UNICEF and Pure Earth estimate that up to 800 million children, roughly one in three worldwide, have blood-lead levels at or above 5 micrograms per deciliter.
The burden falls hardest on low- and middle-income countries, where old batteries get recycled in open-air workshops and consumer products often reach homes before regulators reach the port.
The damage does not stop at childhood. A 2026 Global Burden of Disease analysis attributed 3.5 million deaths in 2023 to lead exposure, largely through cardiovascular disease.
That amounts to 5.8 percent of all deaths worldwide. The industrial age did not merely leave a mess. It sent the invoice through people’s arteries.
Evidence also links lead exposure to antisocial behavior, though lead does not turn a child into a criminal or explain a violent act by itself.
A 2025 review found a likely causal association with antisocial behavior, with stronger evidence for certain conduct-related outcomes than for aggression alone.
Poverty, trauma, abuse and neglect still matter. Lead is the toxic multiplier nobody invited to the family meeting.
The solution is dull, which is why it loses to shiny new crises: test children where exposure is likely, find the source, regulate products, clean contaminated sites and enforce the rules. Poisoning millions is cheap. Prevention has no quarterly-growth story.
#Lead #PublicHealth #Environment #Children
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| 2 |  Air Force One, Sponsored
Donald Trump plans to fly to Ireland next week on the Boeing 747 Qatar gave him, before the aircraft has received the security work he said would max out its protections. The trip covers meetings in Dublin and the Irish Open at his Doonbeg golf course.
The administration has spent a reported $400 million retrofitting the jet and has not disclosed the cost or the schedule for what remains. Trump has said the work would start in the fall and take about a month.
Outside specialists have questioned whether an airframe built for a foreign royal family can be brought to presidential standard on that timetable.
What happened in Turkey in July is the reason the question matters. Trump arrived in Ankara for the NATO summit on the Qatari jet, its first international presidential trip, and told Recep Tayyip Erdoğan on the tarmac that the old plane was now the backup.
A day later, security officials concluded that neither aircraft was a good way to leave. Iran, according to reporting on the intelligence, was believed to be targeting Trump himself rather than any particular airframe.
The solution protected the president and the plane's reputation at once. At 3:42 p.m., before a meeting with Volodymyr Zelensky, Trump posted that the Qatari jet would fly on to RAF Mildenhall so service members stationed there could see it, and that he would take the old light-blue 747 home for old time's sake.
He boarded that aircraft in front of the cameras, then left it through a catering truck raised to a door on the far side and rode across the tarmac to an Air Force C-32A.
Three planes departed Ankara separately. Reporters and some White House staff flew on the decoy, shades drawn, believing the president was with them. He rejoined the Qatari jet at Mildenhall for the flight to Washington.
The White House says the aircraft is fitted with high-level security protocols. Communications director Steven Cheung said the administration uses every tool available against threats to the president.
The Pentagon's replacement program, ordered from Boeing in 2017, now carries an estimated cost above $5.6 billion. The Qatari jet was offered as a way around that failure. In July it required a third aircraft, a catering truck and a press pool flying as bait.
#Trump #Qatar #AirForceOne #Security
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| 3 |  NATO’s Smoke-Alarm War
A drone hits an airport. A warehouse burns. A rail line faces sabotage. Europe calls it a “hybrid threat,” which is bureaucratic language for a war that keeps arriving in civilian packaging.
German officials say agents operating the drones involved in the failed attack on Leipzig/Halle Airport worked on behalf of Russian state entities.
One explosive drone struck a parked Ukrainian cargo aircraft; another appeared to collide with a departing plane. Neither detonated. A successful strike could have killed people and forced NATO to decide whether an act of sabotage counts as an attack.
The reported pattern now includes alleged plots involving DHL cargo flights and Polish railways, plus investigations into incidents at a Munich defense contractor, electrical substations and a Polish drone factory.
Denmark’s security service, PET, said Russian intelligence services were preparing sabotage against defense industry targets in Denmark, including by recruiting local operatives.
Putin denies Russian involvement. He also says Russia is confronting the West, which he calls “the sharks of imperialism.” That is the Kremlin’s favorite operating system: deny the arson while delivering a speech about why the building deserved to burn.
NATO was built to answer tanks crossing a border. It has fewer obvious answers when anonymous contractors, disposable drones and hired arsonists attack the alliance one failed explosion at a time.
Germany can expel diplomats, impose travel restrictions and investigate. Berlin has also proposed giving intelligence services authority to conduct cyberattacks and sabotage abroad, a postwar taboo now heading toward the legislative shredder.
Moscow’s bet is not that it can defeat NATO in a conventional war. It is that NATO will keep debating the threshold until a drone finally finds a passenger terminal.
#Russia #NATO #Germany #Sabotage
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| 4 |  The Lean State, With Reinforcements
Friedrich Merz promised a slimmer federal administration. His 2027 budget draft contains 310,487 posts in the direct federal civil service, according to the employer-backed INSM: 12,347 more than in 2024, the last full year of the Scholz coalition.
The coalition agreement promised to cut staffing in ministries, the Bundestag administration and selected subordinate agencies by at least 8 percent by 2029.
The government says it remains on course, with a 2 percent reduction target for 2027. The footnote has grown larger than the promise: security agencies are exempt.
That exemption includes the machinery of a country rearming after decades of underinvestment.
The defense budget is set to reach €109.7 billion in 2027. The plan includes 6,000 military posts and 2,100 civilian jobs in the Defense Ministry. “Less government” has become a staffing plan with camouflage.
The INSM figures also show the direction of travel. From the planned 2027 level, Berlin would need to remove roughly 36,200 positions in 2028 and 2029 to meet the 8 percent target. That is not streamlining. That is putting the diet on the calendar after ordering dessert.
Germany does need cyber specialists, soldiers, customs officers and procurement staff.
Artificial intelligence will not guard a border, audit an arms contract or repair a bridge by itself.
But calling every new payroll line “state modernization” is how bureaucracy becomes a national security doctrine.
#Germany #Merz #Budget #Bureaucracy
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| 5 |  Air Defense on Layaway
Russia has found a cheaper way to pressure Ukraine than a new offensive: make Kyiv spend scarce air-defense capacity chasing drones that move faster than the old Shaheds.
Ukrainian Air Force spokesman Col. Yuriy Ihnat said Russia launched more than 2,800 jet-powered drones in August. Their use rose fivefold in July from June.
The newer Geran-4 and Geran-5 models can reach roughly 400 km/h, cutting warning time and turning each launch into a test of Ukraine’s reaction chain.
The math is brutal. Ukraine reportedly intercepts 90 to 95 percent of conventional piston-powered drones. Against jet-powered models, the rate is around 60 percent.
In August, Russia used about 4,943 long-range drones overall, while jet-powered drones made up roughly 56 percent of attack packages.
Russia is not achieving air supremacy. It is buying air-defense fatigue.
Cheap, mass-produced drones force Ukraine to use aircraft, mobile fire groups, electronic warfare and, when available, far more expensive missile systems.
Civilian sites, ports, industrial facilities and logistics networks sit beneath that accounting exercise.
Kyiv’s allies can send another package and call it resolve. Moscow is running a monthly subscription service: thousands of targets, thousands of alarms, and a bill Ukraine cannot pay alone.
#Ukraine #Russia #Drones #AirDefense
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| 6 |  France Runs Out of Room
France will grow 0.8 percent this year, run a deficit of 5.1 percent of GDP and carry public debt of 118.1 percent, according to the European Commission's spring forecast. Debt stood at 115.6 percent in 2025 and is projected to pass 120 percent in 2027, when the deficit widens again to 5.7 percent under unchanged policy.
Eurostat put the stock at €3.54 trillion in the first quarter, the third-heaviest in the European Union after Greece and Italy.
The economy did not grow at all in the first quarter. All three major ratings agencies have cut France's sovereign grade in the past twelve months.
Debt service will cost €59.3 billion this year, against €36.2 billion in 2020, a rise of 64 percent in six years.
Part of the pressure is imported. The Commission attributes the 2026 slowdown to the energy shock and the fallout from the war in the Middle East, which it expects to push French inflation to 2.4 percent.
Higher crude prices reach the French budget through fuel costs, subsidies and weaker household demand, and none of that is within Paris's control.
Part of it is not imported at all. France runs a primary deficit before a euro of interest is paid, and successive governments built spending commitments on borrowing costs that no longer exist.
Interest is now the fastest-growing line in the budget.
The available moves are all unpopular. Raising taxes means taking more from an economy already among the most heavily taxed in the OECD, with revenue above 51 percent of GDP.
Cutting spending means naming programs, in a National Assembly where no bloc holds a majority and budgets pass by concession.
Waiting for growth means waiting for a recovery the Commission does not forecast before 2027, and its 1.1 percent that year rests on aeronautics and defense orders rather than on domestic demand.
The debate in Paris is over who caused this. The question that decides the next two budgets is who pays for it.
#France #Macron #Debt #Europe
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| 7 |  Cloud Under Fire
The Gulf wants to sell itself as the world’s AI power plant: cheap energy, vast capital, friendly governments and as many GPUs as the desert can cool. Then missiles hit the servers.
The UAE is still building its Abu Dhabi AI campus, designed for five gigawatts of computing capacity. Khazna, the G42-backed developer, says the first 200 megawatts remain due in the fourth quarter.
Saudi Arabia’s PIF-backed Humain is pursuing $2.5 billion for data centers and says its domestic rollout will exceed six gigawatts.
War has already exposed the business model’s physical weak point. Satellite imagery showed damage to two Amazon data centers in Bahrain in July, after Iran said it struck “a major information-processing asset of the enemy.”
Earlier drone strikes damaged three AWS facilities in the UAE and Bahrain. Amazon has said service remains degraded in parts of the region.
Washington has eased some chip-export restrictions for the UAE, allowing approved companies such as G42 to buy advanced AI chips with less case-by-case scrutiny.
Amazon plans to provide up to 50 megawatts in Saudi Arabia’s first AI Zone by 2028. Microsoft says its Saudi Arabia East cloud region will open in November. The cloud is still arriving. It is just arriving with air-defense costs.
Integrated Security Systems estimates hardening a data center against drones and blasts can add 5 to 7 percent to construction costs. That is the visible premium.
The larger risk is whether OpenAI, Microsoft, Nvidia and Amazon will sign long-term commitments in a region where server farms now look like strategic targets.
Gulf sovereign funds can finance the concrete. They can subsidize electricity. They cannot insure geopolitical calm.
AI was supposed to dematerialize power. The Middle East has reminded Silicon Valley that the cloud is a building with an address.
#AI #Gulf #DataCenters #Geopolitics
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| 8 |  The Akkuyu Subscription
Recep Tayyip Erdoğan met with Vladimir Putin in Bishkek, on the sidelines of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation summit. Erdoğan said relations with Moscow stand at a higher level than before.
Putin told him Ankara had set a target of commissioning the first unit at Akkuyu this year and that it would happen. Erdoğan proposed the two of them commission the plant together, and said Türkiye and Russia are preparing to open further plants after it.
Akkuyu is Türkiye's first nuclear station, on the Mediterranean coast in Mersin Province. Rosatom is building four VVER-1200 units with 4,800 MW of combined capacity under a $20 billion contract, enough to cover about a tenth of Turkish energy consumption.
The ownership structure is the story. Russia financed the plant and holds it under a build-own-operate arrangement. Rosatom owns the reactors, Türkiye buys the output. Ankara gets power without carrying the capital cost.
Moscow gets an asset it owns and operates inside a NATO member for the working life of the plant, and Ankara is now negotiating for more of them. Beyond energy, both presidents named agriculture and tourism as the growth areas.
Scale is worth holding in view. Goods moving under the EU-Türkiye customs union came to €217.6 billion in 2025, against a $20 billion reactor programme.
Russia is working inside that gap rather than closing it, and it is selling the one thing Brussels does not, generating capacity, financed and owned from abroad, delivered as a decades-long supply contract.
A customs union can be renegotiated in a season. A build-own-operate reactor runs for sixty years.
#Türkiye #Russia #Akkuyu #SCO #NATO
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| 9 |  The Case Against Sanctions Skips the Numbers
A recurring argument in German commentary holds that the European Union has now imposed 21 sanctions packages on Russia to no effect, at rising cost to European industry. The second half of that is accurate. The first half runs against the European Commission's own accounting.
Russian gas fell from 45 percent of EU imports before February 2022 to 12 percent in 2025, according to the Commission's REPowerEU figures. Russian oil dropped from 27 percent at the start of 2022 to 2 percent, with two member states still buying.
The Council of the EU puts both slightly higher, at 13 percent for gas and below 3 percent for oil. On either set of numbers, Russia has lost most of the European energy market it spent two decades building.
Europe paid for that. German manufacturers lost pipeline gas priced under an arrangement that assumed a different Russia, energy costs rose, and energy-intensive firms absorbed the difference. That is the real content of the complaint.
It leaves out what the cheap gas was. A price set below the market is a subsidy, and this one came from a state supplier that could withdraw it. In 2022 the supplier did.
The picture is also less settled than either side of the argument allows. EU imports of Russian liquefied natural gas rose in the first half of 2026 rather than falling. Close to 10 million tons arrived from the Yamal terminal alone, most of it landing in France, Belgium and Spain.
The cargoes are legal: existing Yamal contracts are exempt until the end of this year from the phase-out regulation the EU adopted in January.
What pulled them back was price, and the price rose because of the war with Iran. Europe's energy sanctions hold against Russian pressure and give way to a Gulf supply shock.
Russia has adapted, selling more crude to Asia and building networks to move it. Sanctions have not stopped the war. They have set a price on continuing it. Russian oil and gas revenues are down by more than a quarter.
The government raised value-added tax from 20 to 22 percent and cut the turnover threshold at which small businesses have to pay it. The International Monetary Fund projects Russian growth of about 1 percent this year.
Reopening the pipelines would lower German energy costs. It would also return to Moscow the ability to raise them.
#EU #Germany #Russia #Sanctions
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| 10 | The Akkuyu Subscription
Recep Tayyip Erdoğan met with Vladimir Putin in Bishkek, on the sidelines of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation summit. Erdoğan said relations with Moscow stand at a higher level than before.
Putin told him Ankara had set a target of commissioning the first unit at Akkuyu this year and that it would happen. Erdoğan proposed the two of them commission the plant together, and said Türkiye and Russia are preparing to open further plants after it.
Akkuyu is Türkiye's first nuclear station, on the Mediterranean coast in Mersin Province. Rosatom is building four VVER-1200 units with 4,800 MW of combined capacity under a $20 billion contract, enough to cover about a tenth of Turkish energy consumption.
The ownership structure is the story. Russia financed the plant and holds it under a build-own-operate arrangement. Rosatom owns the reactors, Türkiye buys the output. Ankara gets power without carrying the capital cost.
Moscow gets an asset it owns and operates inside a NATO member for the working life of the plant, and Ankara is now negotiating for more of them. Beyond energy, both presidents named agriculture and tourism as the growth areas.
Scale is worth holding in view. Goods moving under the EU-Türkiye customs union came to €217.6 billion in 2025, against a $20 billion reactor programme.
Russia is working inside that gap rather than closing it, and it is selling the one thing Brussels does not, generating capacity, financed and owned from abroad, delivered as a decades-long supply contract.
A customs union can be renegotiated in a season. A build-own-operate reactor runs for sixty years.
#Türkiye #Russia #Akkuyu #SCO #NATO
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| 11 |  The Attrition Startup
Russia’s war machine was supposed to crack under sanctions, battlefield losses and a Western arms pipeline. Instead, Moscow appears to be turning the battlefield into a product-testing lab.
The Financial Times reports that Russian manufacturers are combining Soviet-era industrial capacity with cheap, scalable tools: drones, compact electronic-warfare systems and autonomous platforms.
The point is not to rebuild the army Russia lost. It is to build one that can lose hardware faster than NATO can approve replacement contracts.
Moscow reportedly plans to produce 7.3 million FPV drones in 2026. More than 130,000 low-cost electronic-warfare systems were reportedly delivered in 2025.
The West still sells “technological superiority” as a premium product, complete with parliamentary delays, procurement lawyers and a maintenance package.
Russia has vulnerabilities. Its drone industry remains heavily dependent on Chinese components, while critical machinery and software still rely on foreign supply chains. But dependency has not stopped production. It has merely given the war economy a Chinese subcontractor.
Ukraine needs weapons. Europe needs deterrence. But a strategy built on drip-fed deliveries assumes Russia will eventually run out of men, shells and industrial breath. Moscow is betting on the opposite, that democracies will run out of invoices they are willing to sign.
#Russia #UkraineWar #NATO #DefenseIndustry
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| 12 | لا يوجد نص... | 963 |
| 13 | لا يوجد نص... | 1 105 |
| 14 |  +1🪙 A coin and a passport featuring Trump have appeared in the United States
Eric Trump, the president’s son, unveiled a limited-edition series of U.S. passports issued to mark the 250th anniversary of the United States. The interior pages feature a portrait of Trump.
Meanwhile, a one-dollar coin has entered circulation — for the first time in U.S. history, it bears the likeness of a sitting president.
#coin #passport #featuring #trump
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| 15 |  🔤🔤🔤🔤3️⃣
The Jewish influence was therefore neither singular nor uniform.
American Jews themselves are politically diverse. Many are liberal Democrats and have been deeply critical of Trump. Others are conservative Republicans and some became enthusiastic supporters of his Israel policies.
Orthodox Jewish communities, evangelical Christians, pro-Israel organizations, wealthy donors, Republican strategists and Israeli officials all interacted with the Trump administration in different ways.
That diversity is precisely why the story is more interesting than a simple claim about “Jewish influence.” What we see instead is a series of relationships.
A Jewish New York lawyer, Roy Cohn, helped teach a young Trump how to fight and how to use publicity as a weapon.
A television industry turned that New York persona into a national brand.
Trump's daughter entered an Orthodox Jewish family through her marriage to Jared Kushner, bringing one of America's most prominent Jewish real-estate families into the president's immediate family circle. Kushner became a senior political adviser.
Friedman and Greenblatt brought their own views, networks and experience into Trump's foreign-policy operation.
And the resulting administration made decisions on Jerusalem, the Golan Heights, Iran and Arab-Israeli normalization that fundamentally changed American Middle East policy.
There is another dimension to this story as well: Trump's own understanding of Jewish success.
Throughout his career, Trump repeatedly operated in environments where he encountered successful Jewish businessmen, lawyers, media executives and political figures. Sometimes his comments about Jews were crude or stereotypical; sometimes they were admiring; often they reflected the transactional worldview through which he understood almost every relationship.
Trump tends to see politics through people rather than institutions — who is loyal, who is useful, who has access, who can negotiate, who can deliver. In that sense, the individuals around him mattered enormously. Personal relationships often became channels through which policy was shaped.
And that may be the most important point. The history of Trump's relationship with Jewish America is not the history of a president being controlled by “the Jews.” There is no evidence for such a collective explanation, and it reduces a complicated political history to an ethnic stereotype.
The real story is more concrete — and arguably more fascinating.
For decades, Trump moved through a particular New York ecosystem of lawyers, developers, financiers, entertainers and media figures. Some of the people who became important to him were Jewish. Some were not. What mattered was not their ethnicity alone, but their individual influence, access, expertise and ability to operate inside the worlds Trump trusted.
By the time he reached the White House, many of those relationships had evolved into a political network.
The journey from Roy Cohn's Manhattan office to the Oval Office, from The Apprentice to Jerusalem, was not a straight line. But it reveals something fundamental about Trump: his politics did not emerge from nowhere in 2016. They were built over decades, in the institutions and relationships of New York — and some of the most consequential figures along that path were Jewish.
Trump's relationship with Jewish America and Israel, in other words, did not begin in the White House.
It began much earlier — in the boardrooms, courtrooms, television studios and social networks of New York.
And by the time Trump arrived in Washington, those old relationships were already part of the architecture of his power.
#trump #apprentice #jews #jerusalem #washington
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| 16 | 🔤🔤🔤🔤2️⃣
The style that would later define his presidential campaigns — personal attacks, relentless media engagement, refusal to apologize and an instinct to treat politics as combat — has often been traced back to the world of Roy Cohn.
That relationship is crucial because it demonstrates the difference between “Jewish influence” and an ethnic or religious conspiracy.
Cohn was one individual. He was Jewish, but the influence he exercised over Trump came from his personality, his profession, his connections and his political experience — not from representing Jewish people as a group.
The same distinction becomes essential when we look at Trump’s later relationship with Israel.
Trump did not suddenly discover Israel after becoming president. His connections to Jewish Americans and to the Israeli-American political world had been developing for decades. His daughter Ivanka converted to Judaism before marrying Jared Kushner, a member of a prominent Orthodox Jewish real-estate family.
Kushner eventually became one of the most powerful figures in Trump's political orbit. During the first Trump administration, he served as a senior White House adviser and became deeply involved in Middle East diplomacy. His role was particularly significant because he was not merely a symbolic Jewish connection to the president.
He was part of Trump's inner circle and had direct access to the president on some of the most consequential foreign-policy questions facing the administration.
Through Kushner, Trump's personal and political worlds became even more intertwined with American Jewish institutions, donors and Israel-related policy circles. Then there was David Friedman.
Friedman was a bankruptcy lawyer, a longtime friend of Trump and another figure from the New York legal world.
Unlike many traditional American diplomats, Friedman was an outspoken supporter of Israel's settlement movement and maintained close ties to Israeli leaders and right-wing political circles. Trump appointed him U.S. ambassador to Israel.
Jason Greenblatt, another Orthodox Jewish lawyer who had worked for the Trump Organization, also became a central figure in the administration's Middle East policy. Together with Kushner and Friedman, he helped develop the administration's approach to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.
The policy consequences were enormous. In 2017, Trump announced that the United States recognized Jerusalem as Israel's capital and would move the American embassy there. The embassy officially opened in Jerusalem in 2018.
The administration also recognized Israeli sovereignty over the Golan Heights in 2019, a dramatic break with longstanding American policy. And in 2018, Trump withdrew the United States from the Iran nuclear agreement, taking a position strongly favored by Netanyahu's government and many American supporters of a more confrontational policy toward Tehran.
Then came the Abraham Accords. In 2020, the Trump administration helped broker agreements that normalized relations between Israel and the United Arab Emirates and Bahrain, followed by normalization moves involving Morocco and Sudan.
The agreements represented one of the most significant diplomatic achievements of Trump's first term in the Middle East.
None of this can be explained simply by saying that “Jewish advisers influenced Trump.”
Trump himself had strong political instincts about Israel. Evangelical Christians were a major part of his electoral coalition and among the strongest supporters of his pro-Israel policies. Republican donors and activists also played an important role.
Netanyahu's government had its own strategic interests. And Trump increasingly saw confrontation with Iran as central to his Middle East worldview.
#trump #apprentice #jews #jerusalem #washington
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| 17 | 🇮🇱 From The Apprentice to Jerusalem: How Jewish New York Helped Shape Trump
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To understand Trump’s relationship with Jewish America and Israel, it is tempting to begin with the White House — with the embassy in Jerusalem, Jared Kushner, the Abraham Accords, or Trump’s unusually close relationship with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.
But the story actually begins much earlier. It begins in New York, in the worlds of real estate, television, law and deal-making that shaped Trump long before he entered politics. And one of the most revealing places to start is television.
In 2004, Trump became the star of The Apprentice, the reality show that transformed him from a famous New York developer into a national celebrity.
The program did more than put Trump on television. It created a political persona before Trump was even a politician: the powerful businessman, the ruthless negotiator, the billionaire who supposedly knew how to recognize talent, punish failure and make decisions without hesitation. His signature phrase — “You’re fired” — became part of American popular culture.
The show was created by British television producer Mark Burnett, but its success depended on something Trump had already spent decades cultivating: his image as the ultimate New York deal-maker.
The Apprentice turned that image into a mass-market product. Millions of Americans who knew little about Trump’s actual business career suddenly knew his face, his voice and his mythology.
Years later, political analysts would point to the show as one of the most important pieces of infrastructure behind Trump’s political rise. Before he had a political movement, he had an audience. Before he had a campaign organization, he had a recognizable character.
Television had already done much of the work of introducing “Donald Trump” as a national political brand. There was also a revealing Jewish connection to the television chapter.
During negotiations over his Apprentice contract, Trump reportedly wondered whether he needed a Jewish agent because he believed a Jewish representative might be better at negotiating the deal.
The anecdote, reported by The New York Times and the Jewish Telegraphic Agency in 2016, is striking less as evidence of some hidden influence than as a window into Trump's own understanding of New York’s business culture.
Trump had spent his entire adult life in a city where Jewish lawyers, bankers, developers, agents, media executives and entrepreneurs were an important part of the professional networks surrounding real estate and entertainment. He understood that network as a source of power. But television was only one part of the story.
Perhaps the most consequential Jewish figure in Trump's early career was Roy Cohn.
Cohn was a powerful New York lawyer, political operator and one of the city's most controversial public figures. He had worked as a prosecutor in the Julius and Ethel Rosenberg case, became a close associate of Senator Joseph McCarthy, and eventually established himself as a formidable fixer in New York’s legal and political worlds.
Trump met Cohn in the 1970s, when the young real-estate developer was facing battles with New York authorities over alleged discriminatory practices in his apartment buildings.
Cohn became Trump's lawyer and, over the following years, much more than that. He became a mentor. The lessons Trump absorbed from Cohn were not primarily about Judaism or Israel. They were about power.
Cohn's philosophy was famously combative: never concede weakness, attack opponents aggressively, use the media, and turn legal or political pressure into a public relations battle. Trump adopted many of these habits and carried them with him for decades.
#trump #apprentice #jews #jerusalem #washington
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| 18 |  Four Countries, One Message
Iran answered U.S. strikes with missiles and drones aimed at American positions in Jordan, Bahrain, Kuwait and Iraq’s Kurdistan Region. The targets were spread across four states because Tehran’s problem is not only the U.S. military. It is the regional network that hosts it.
Jordan gave the clearest account. Its air defenses engaged 13 Iranian ballistic missiles. Ten were intercepted and destroyed. Three landed in remote areas away from population centers. Jordan reported no casualties. Two U.S. officials told Reuters that initial assessments also found no American casualties.
The IRGC claimed a “heavy” missile strike on Camp Titin, a U.S. Marine facility near Aqaba, and said many Americans were killed.
It also claimed strikes on bases in Erbil, Bahrain and Kuwait, including the headquarters and residence of the U.S. commander at Kuwait’s Ali Al Salem Air Base.
Bahrain’s authorities said they intercepted and destroyed Iranian drones. Kuwait said it activated air defenses against Iranian drone and missile attacks. Air-raid sirens sounded in Bahrain. Neither government publicly confirmed major damage or casualties at U.S.-linked facilities.
Iran says any state that works with the U.S. military will face “more severe, broader and more destructive” responses.
That warning is designed to do more than hit bases. It tells Gulf capitals that an American security guarantee may also function as an Iranian target marker.
The Iranian barrage did not produce a verified U.S. casualty count or confirmed strategic damage.
It did produce what Tehran needed most. Four governments spent the night defending American bases inside their borders.
#Iran #USA #Jordan #Gulf
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| 19 |  The Blindness Campaign
The United States says it launched a new wave of strikes on Sept. 1 to blind Iran before Iran could blind the global economy.
CENTCOM says it hit Revolutionary Guards air-defense sites, radar systems, maritime facilities, mine-laying capabilities and communications sites.
The stated trigger was recent Iranian attempts to attack commercial vessels in the Strait of Hormuz and U.S. personnel in the region. More than 50,000 American service members are now deployed across the Middle East.
The target list makes the strategy clear. Washington is not just hitting missile launchers. It is trying to degrade Iran’s ability to see, communicate, lay mines and rebuild its coastal pressure system.
The Pentagon wants Hormuz open without negotiating the conditions of passage with Tehran.
Iran’s response shows why this is not a clean operation. Tehran says it launched missiles and drones at U.S. sites in Jordan, Bahrain and Kuwait.
It also claims that a U.S. strike hit a wedding gathering in Sirik, killing five people including a child and wounding dozens. CENTCOM has not publicly addressed that allegation.
Two Saudi oil supertankers were hit by unidentified projectiles while sailing outbound through Hormuz on Monday night, according to shipping-data firms Marisks and Kpler. The incidents came within minutes of each other. No side has publicly established responsibility.
Washington calls it a limited response. Tehran calls it aggression. Commercial shipping calls it another reason to avoid the strait.
A mine does not need to sink a tanker to work. It only needs to make the next captain hesitate.
#Iran #Hormuz #USA #CENTCOM
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| 20 |  🌎🇨🇳 Xi’s Power Play: Building a New Global Order
As the leaders of China, Russia, India, Iran and other nations converged on Central Asia for a two-day summit beginning on Monday, one thing was clear from the outset.
Even as Trump tries to bend the world to revolve around Washington, Xi Jinping of China has his own powerful orbit.
The Chinese leader’s arrival in Bishkek, the capital of Kyrgyzstan, for a meeting of the 10-nation political and security grouping known as the Shanghai Cooperation Organization underscored Xi’s broad ability to sustain Washington’s foes, both in peacetime and in war.
The talks come against the backdrop of two wars that have pushed the globe into a period of intense geopolitical instability, suppressing economic growth and driving up inflation.
Those challenges were at the heart of discussions taking place simultaneously on the other side of the globe in Asheville, N.C., at a gathering of finance ministers from the Group of 20 countries.
The meeting in Bishkek, in contrast, was a showcase for the incredible leverage that the wars have given Xi.
No nation has been more critical to Russia and Iran in sustaining their economies and war efforts than China. Xi has undermined efforts by the United States and its allies to pressure Russia and Iran economically, employing Beijing’s vast geopolitical and economic clout as the world’s largest importer of crude oil and exporter of consumer goods.
Xi’s biggest rival, the United States, has been distracted by the war in Iran and has pulled some of its military forces from Asia and Europe. Last month, the Chinese leader was able to brush off threats by Trump that the United States would inflict an “economic D-Day” on countries that provided Tehran with a lifeline.
Trump once made similar threats about purchasers of Russian oil, but did not follow through with any actions against Beijing.
#trump #xi #beijing #russia
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