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1. Divination on Stones (2012) 2. Guardians of the Lake (2012) 3. Pilgrimage to the Celestial Mountains (2012-2013)

Umay (2011)

The Heavenly tigers of Kük Tengri (2009)

1. Qıyssa-i Yosıf Illustration (2008) 2. Erlik's messenger (2009)

His acquaintance with the cultures of Khakassia and Tyva further deepened his understanding of Tatar culture. He found similarities between the Tatars and the Khakass people, pointing out the latter's self-designation "Tadar," reminiscent of "Tatar." Understanding the Tyvans was more challenging due to their Mongolian traits. Overall, his experiences in Siberia helped him comprehend aspects of Tatar culture that he hadn't grasped before. He believed in interconnectedness of all Turkic peoples.

1. Nalukotak (1993) 2. Dance teacher (1995) 3. Reflection (1996) 5. Floating in the clouds (?)

Azat Minnekaev’s artistic journey was greatly influenced by his grandmother, who introduced him to the traditional Tatar craft of kəfenlek sewing, leading him to discover shared cultural elements between his own Tatar heritage and other indigenous peoples he encountered, such as the Chukchi and Aleuts. Minnekaev's fascination with the peoples of Eastern Siberia stems from their detachment from civilization and their close relationship with nature. He appreciates their harmonious coexistence with the environment and the organic integration of religions into shamanism.

Leader's funeral (1993)

1. First Snow (1993) 2. Nagaev Bay (1993) 3. In the ancestral cave (1993)

1. First Snow (1993) 2. Nagaev Bay (1993) 3. In the ancestral cave (1993)

#tt_culture Azat Minnekaev Today, I invite you to join me on a journey of discovery of a Tatar artist Azat Minnekaev. Born in 1958 in Ufa, Azat's life unfolded through a range of experiences — from serving as a scenographer in the Bashkort Puppet Theater to painting landscapes for a cathedral in Alaska. Did you know that Early Native Americans are thought to have crossed into the Americas across the Beringia land bridge from modern day Siberia? Certain modern Indigenous Siberians are closely related to the Indigenous peoples of the Americas, with whom they share a common origin.

Azat Minnekaev in 2010

#tt_advanced Conditionals ⭕️ Formation of the conditional mood The conditional mood in Tatar is formed by adding the suffix -sa or -sə to the verb stem. The personal endings are then attached to this suffix. min uqısam / kilsəm sin uqısañ / kilsəñ ul uqısa / kilsə bez uqısaq / kilsək sez uqısağız / kilsəgez alar uqısalar / kilsələr Time reference The conditional mood can refer to the present, past, or future, depending on the context and the tense of the main clause. Time can be further specified using compound forms with the verb bulu (to be) in the conditional clause. Although the suffix -sa or -sə already indicates a conditional mood, it is common to use additional markers such as əgər, əgər də (meaning "if" or "in case") at the beginning of the sentence for emphasis. ⭕️ Real conditional This type of conditional implies nothing about the truth or falsity of the condition. It can refer to the present, past, or future. The conclusion may be in any form that the sense allows. The simple form in -sa, -sə: Xəzer şularnı uylasam, üzemneñ tüzüwemə ğəcəplənəm. (Ğadel Qutuy, “Tapşırılmağan xatlar”) If I think about those things now, I am amazed at my patience. There are also compound forms like -ğan, -gən bulsa, -a, -ə torğan bulsa, -r/-mas bulsa, -açaq, -əçək bulsa, and -ası, -əse bulsa. Bu yalğan, Cəğfər, əgər siña ber-ber nərsə söyləgən bulsalar, ışanma, – dide. (Ğabdraxman Əpsələmov, “Yəşel Yar”) “This is a lie, Cəğfər. If they have told you something, don’t believe (them),” she said. ⭕️ Potential conditional The potential conditional refers to the future. It implies that the supposed case can have a potential for future realization. It may be expressed by the simple form in -sa, -sə and by the compounds -ğan, -gən bulsa, etc. and -ası, -əse, -ıysı, -ise bulsa. The predicate of the consequence clause is most frequently a verb in the future tense I stem -r/-ır/-er followed by idem, ideñ, etc. Bu süzlərne cıyılışta söyləsəñ, ixtimal, kem bulsa da qolaq salır yəki qul çabar ide. (Ğabdraxman Əpsələmov, "Yəşel Yar") If you say these words at a meeting, it’s possible that someone might listen or applaud. ⭕️ Unreal conditional Unreal conditional implies that the condition is not or was not true. It can refer to the present or past and is often used to discuss hypothetical situations. The predicate of the consequence clause may be a verb in -r/-mas, or -açaq, followed by ide, or it may be expressed by the forms: -ğan bulır ide -a ide -ğan bula ide -ası bulğanmın -ası bulmas ide, etc. The simple form in -sa, -sə: Əgər barır yulnı belsə, adresın xəterləsə, ike də uylap tormas, küptən yulğa çıqqan bulır ide. (Rinat Möxəmmədiev, “Açıq tərəzə”) If he had known the way to go, if he had remembered her address, he would not have thought twice, he would have been on his way long ago. The are also compound forms like -ğan/-gən bulsa, -a/-ə torğan bulsa, -ası/-əse bulsa. Elegrək xat yazıp sorağan bulsañ, min ul kitapnı siña poçta belən də cibərgən bulır idem. (Gölsem Möxəmmədova, “Sikəltəle turı yul”) If you had written and asked for it earlier, I would have sent you that book by mail. 📝 Try to express real and unreal conditions in Tatar in the comments: If you do not listen, you will not learn. If you talked to him, he would understand. If they had known, they would have helped.

#tt_intermediate Time-related vocabulary waqıtında – in/on time waqıt citte – it's about time təwlek buyı – around the clock 🕐 Frequency köndəlek, kön sayın – daily atnalıq, atna sayın – weekly aylıq, ay sayın – monthly yıl sayın – annually atnağa ber – once a week ike atnağa ber – biweekly, once in two weeks köndәlek biremnәr – daily tasks atnalıq eş – weekly work 💡 To form an adjective from the other phrases, -a/ә torğan is added after the verb that follows these phrases: kön sayın bula torğan oçraşu – daily meeting (lit. “meeting taking place daily”) atna sayın ütәlә torğan eş – weekly work (lit. “work that’s done weekly”) atnağa ber kilә torğan keşe – person coming once a week 🕐 Historical time expressions unyıllıq – decade ğasır – century meñyıllıq – millennium çor – epoch dəwer – era məñgelek – eternity 🕐 Past, Present and Future kiçə – yesterday bügen – today irtəgə – tomorrow ütkən zaman – past bügenge kön – present kiləçək – future baş – beginning urta – middle dəwam – continuation axır – end 🕐 Adjectives waqıtlıça – temporary daimi – permanent kiləse – next əlege, xəzerge – current, actual bu – this bıyılğı – this year’s uzğan – last bıltırğı – last year’s 🕐 Time Markers yaqında – in the near future bu arada – recently tizdən – soon axır çiktə – eventually ber ük waqıtta – at the same time, simultaneously 🕐 Work-related eş waqıtı – working time tənəfes – break yal – rest eş köne – weekday yal könnəre – weekend buş kön – day-off buş waqıt – free time yal(lar) – vacation, leave Try using these words in a sentence in the comments!

Duslar! Let’s all together help Zulya xanım and her family in this battle 🙏🏼 Please donate

#tt_beginner Unstable Vowels In Tatar, there are vowel phonemes ı and e that are unstable. These vowels are fully articulated in the basic form of a word but are often reduced or ejected when suffixes are added. There are no fixed rules for their behavior, but generally, they are pronounced when the accent is on them. When the accent shifts due to suffixes, these vowels tend to be reduced or ejected. 🔻 Vowel ejection in bisyllabic verbs Some bisyllabic verbs eject the vowel ı or e from the stem when a suffix starting with a vowel is added: qurıq! (be afraid), qurıqma! (don’t be afraid), bez qurıqmadıq (we were not afraid) BUT: alar qurqalar (they are afraid), ul qurqaçaq (he will be afraid), qurqu (to be afraid), qurqaq (coward) qalıq! (rise), qalıqma! (do not rise!), min qalıqmadım (I did not rise) BUT: sez qalqasız (you are rising), min qalqaçaqmın (I will rise), qalqıp (rising), qalqu (to rise), qalqıtu (to raise) 🔻 Dual-stem verbs Some bisyllabic verbs have two stems with an unstable vowel in the second syllable. These verbs also eject the vowel ı or e when a suffix with an initial vowel is added: selkü (to shake), selki (he shakes), selkep (shaking) BUT: selekkən or selkegən (he shook) Same happens to some other verbs: balqu (to shine), yolqu (to pluck), börkü (to sprinkle, to emit) 🔻 Ejection in bisyllabic words A large group of bisyllabic words with an open first syllable and ı or e in a closed second syllable sometimes (usually in poems) reduce or eject the ı or e when suffixes with an initial vowel are added: urın (place) – urınıbız or urnıbız (our place) borın (nose) – borını or bornı (his nose) küñel (spirit) – küñele or küñle (his spirit) burıç (debt) – burıçım or burçım (my debt) küren! (appear) – kürenə or kürnə (he appears) Words of Arabic origin that end in two consonants and have become bisyllabic by inserting ı or e between consonants also eject the unstable vowel: isem (name) – isemem or ismem (my name) fiker (thought) – fikere or fikre (his thought) ğömer (life) – ğömere or ğömre (his life) waqıt (time), waqıtında or waqtında (in its time) axır (end) – axırına or axrına (to its end) These words always eject the unstable vowel when the Arabic adjective endings i or ıy are added: ğilem (science) – ğilmi (scientific) 🔻 Reduction in open first syllables In the first syllable, if it is open and unaccented, the vowels ı and e are always strongly reduced: belü (to know) sounds almost like blü teləw (to wish) sounds almost like tləw qısu (to press) sounds almost like qsu

#tt_newbie Asking for the time ⏳ Basic time expressions: yıl – year ay – month atna – week kön – day səğət – hour, watch minut – minute sekund – second mizgel – moment 💡 In Tatar, we use the same logic as “today” (bu + kön = bügen) for “this year” (bu + yıl = bıyıl). For “last year,” uzğan yıl and bıltır are both used. 💡Don’t confuse yıl (year) with yəş (age, years old). Bıyıl 27 yəşne tutıram. – This year I’m turning 27 years old. In Tatar, the hours of the day and night are primarily expressed using cardinal numbers. However, half-hours are expressed using ordinal numbers. Səğət niçə? - What time is it? Səğət ber. - It is one o'clock. Səğət ike. - It is two o'clock. You can add following words to specify if you’re talking about AM or PM: irtənge səğət tuğızda (at 9 AM / 9:00) – kiçke səğət tuğızda (at 9 PM / 21:00) köndezge səğət öçtə (at 3 PM / 15:00) – tönge səğət öçtә (at 3 AM / 3:00) ⏳ Daily time expressions in Tatar are: irtə – morning kön – day kön urtası – midday töş, öylə – noon kiç – evening tön – night tön urtası – midnight 💡 To indicate minutes past the hour: 12:17 – Unike tulıp uncide minut. / Səğət unike də uncide. / Səğət berençe uncide minut. 09:15 – Tuğız tulıp unbiş minut. / Səğət tuğız da unbiş minut / Səğət unınçı unbiş minut. 💡 Half-hours are expressed using ordinals: 16:30 – Səğət bişençe yartı 💡 To indicate minutes to the next hour, use the cardinal number of the next hour preceded by the minutes: 16:50 – Biş tulırğa un minut. / Un minuttan biş tula. / Bişkə un minut qaldı. 💡 To indicate that it is almost a certain time: Səğət öç tulıp kilə. - It is nearly three o'clock. Səğət öçkə yaqınlaşa. - It's getting close to three o'clock. 💡 When indicating the time, the cardinals are placed after "səğət" (clock, hour). When indicating the number of hours, cardinals precede "səğət". səğət ber (one o'clock) – ber səğət (one hour) səğət ike (two o'clock) – ike səğət (two hours) ⏳ Dates are expressed by the cardinals if the month is mentioned and by ordinals if the month is omitted: Kürgəzmə undürtençe iyüldə açıla. – The exhibition opens on July 14th. Kürgəzmə undürtendə açıla. – The exhibition opens on the 14th. Yegerme berençe dekabr ide. – It was December 21st. Kiçə yegerme berese ide. – Yesterday was the 21st. Martnıñ 10ınnan 20senə çaqlı. – From the 10th to the 20th of March.

Traditional elements like Quran readings, symbolic gifts, and sacrificial animals persist to this day. While most Tatars unify these practices, regional variations involve different numbers of guests and special memorial dishes, based on financial status, family size, and local traditions. Tatar memorial rituals begin with a prayer, where attendees dedicate thoughts to the deceased while counting prayer beads (təsbix). A Mullah or anyone else may recite Quranic verses, concluding with bağışlaw, a dedication, and the distribution of sadaqa. The prayer session is followed by a feast, with the traditional sequence including soup, boiled meat with potatoes, and a tea ceremony expressing gratitude. In the Soviet era, non-Muslim elements like burying the deceased in regular clothing, using open caskets, and involving brass bands in funeral processions gained popularity, especially in urban areas. Tatar cemeteries were traditionally located near settlements, sometimes beyond rivers to prevent ancestral spirits from causing disturbances. With superstitions waning, newer cemeteries emerged, often resulting in multiple burial grounds around large villages. Abandoned cemeteries held special reverence and were termed iske ziyarat, even when no visible signs of burials remained. Grave traditions evolved from minimal care to wooden monuments and metal fences adorned with crescent moons. Epigraphic monuments from the 13th century reflect Tatar history, undergoing phases of flourishing and decline, with a persistent tradition of creating and preserving Tatar Muslim cemeteries. ________________ Urazmanova, "Festive Culture and Culture of Holidays among Tatars in the 20th - early 20th centuries" Zagidulina, "Number Symbolism in the Tatar Folk Tales"

#tt_culture Sacred numbers in Tatar funerals While not a lighthearted subject, death and funerals are inevitable aspects of life, and each culture has unique rituals and traditions for saying farewell to departed loved ones. There are, of course, different rituals in Muslim and Christian (kerəşen) Tatar communities. Before burial, elderly individuals in Muslim Tatar culture prepare for death in advance, with each homemaker assembling essential items for their own and their spouse's "funeral kit" or ülemtekkə. This kit includes materials for burial attire, known as kəfenlek, consisting of white cotton fabric measuring 12-18 meters, along with towels, some of which were traditionally handwoven until the 1970s. Additionally, the kit contains items for distribution as a charity, known as sadaqa, which varied over the years and included inexpensive fabrics, shirts, scarves, socks, and purchased towels. When a Tatar senses impending death, a mullah is invited into the home to recite Surah Yasin over the dying person. When the dying person finally breathes their last breath, an iron object is placed on their chest – most often scissors or a nail. According to ancient Tatar pagan belief, evil spirits fear iron, so there must be a sharp iron object near the deceased to ward off evil spirits. After this, the body is covered with a white cloth, and the face is covered with a towel. The morning after a death in a Muslim Tatar village sees young men heading to dig the grave, often chosen where relatives rest. The grave, outlined by a traditional towel, is meticulously dug, with a side niche called ləxet. Women prepare for washing and dressing the deceased as outlined in the Sharia, with communal tools stored in small sheds at cemeteries. The ritual washing begins after receiving news that the grave is ready. The deceased is washed by gender-matched individuals, with specific roles assigned during the process. After washing, the deceased is wrapped in a shroud (kəfen) and placed on a stretcher. The funeral procession, mostly consisting of men, heads to the cemetery, carrying the deceased head-first for a final viewing of familiar places and conducts a special prayer, cınaza namazı, after which, to protect against an evil spirit known as cen, Tatars avoid looking back on the return from the cemetery. Women play a significant role in post-burial rituals, distributing symbolic gifts, and offering "grave charity" (gür sadaqası). During and after the burial, excessive showcasing of grief is also believed to attract cen. While most of these traditions persist, nowadays women often also attend the burial ritual to see off their loved ones. In Tatar culture, as in many other cultures, numbers carry cultural and symbolic significance. Specific numbers are often linked to particular meanings, beliefs, and rituals. Memorial rituals include modest commemorations on the third (öçese) and seventh days (cidese) by men and women separately, elaborate ceremonies on the fortieth day (qırığı) where both men and women are invited, and after a year (yılı). The Tatar burial ritual contains many pagan elements: Tatars believe that within 40 days of death, a human soul can return home in the form of a bird or butterfly. Some practices, like leaving gates open at night and keeping lights on, are believed to guide the soul. These days and numbers are important to many Turkic peoples, and research shows that they come from Zoroastrianism. The number three is one of the most widespread sacred numbers in the cultures of the world. Some researchers attribute the interpretation of three as a symbol of absolute perfection, representing an ideal structure with a distinct beginning, middle, and end. Another explanation ties back to cosmological beliefs, where ancient perceptions of upper, middle, and lower worlds led to the principle of triad. Number seven is also deemed a significant number by many peoples, with the celestial and the subterranean world being divided into seven layers.

Traditional elements like Quran readings, symbolic gifts, and sacrificial animals persist to this day. While most Tatars unify these practices, regional variations involve different numbers of guests and special memorial dishes, based on financial status, family size, and local traditions. Tatar memorial rituals begin with a prayer, where attendees dedicate thoughts to the deceased while counting prayer beads (təsbix). A Mullah or anyone else may recite Quranic verses, concluding with bağışlaw, a dedication, and the distribution of sadaqa. The prayer session is followed by a feast, with the traditional sequence including soup, boiled meat with potatoes, and a tea ceremony expressing gratitude. In the Soviet era, non-Muslim elements like burying the deceased in regular clothing, using open caskets, and involving brass bands in funeral processions gained popularity, especially in urban areas. Tatar cemeteries were traditionally located near settlements, sometimes beyond rivers to prevent ancestral spirits from causing disturbances. With superstitions waning, newer cemeteries emerged, often resulting in multiple burial grounds around large villages. Abandoned cemeteries held special reverence and were termed iske ziyarat, even when no visible signs of burials remained. Grave traditions evolved from minimal care to wooden monuments and metal fences adorned with crescent moons. Epigraphic monuments from the 13th century reflect Tatar history, undergoing phases of flourishing and decline, with a persistent tradition of creating and preserving Tatar Muslim cemeteries. ________________ Urazmanova, "Festive Culture and Culture of Holidays among Tatars in the 20th - early 20th centuries" Zagidulina, "Number Symbolism in the Tatar Folk Tales"