Communism
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Communism is the doctrine of the conditions of the liberation of the proletariat. Channel: https://t.me/Communism Group: https://t.me/Communists
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| تاریخ | رشد مشترکین | اشارات | کانالها | |
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پستهای کانال
Within the system of the dictatorship of the proletariat, the trade unions stand, if I may say so, between the Party and the government. In the transition to socialism the dictatorship of the proletariat is inevitable, but it is not exercised by an organisation which takes in all industrial workers. Why not? The answer is given in the theses of the Second Congress of the Communist International on the role of political parties in general. I will not go into this here. What happens is that the Party, shall we say, absorbs the vanguard of the proletariat, and this vanguard exercises the dictatorship of the proletariat. The dictatorship cannot be exercised or the functions of government performed without a foundation such as the trade unions. These functions, however, have to be performed through the medium of special institutions which are also of a new type, namely, the Soviets. What are the practical conclusions to be drawn from this peculiar situation? They are, on the one hand, that the trade unions are a link between the vanguard and the masses, and by their daily work bring conviction to the masses, the masses of the class which alone is capable of taking us from capitalism to communism. On the other hand, the trade unions are a “reservoir” of the state power. This is what the trade unions are in the period of transition from capitalism to communism. In general, this transition cannot be achieved without the leadership of that class which is the only class capitalism has trained for large-scale production and which alone is divorced from the interests of the petty proprietor. But the dictatorship of the proletariat cannot be exercised through an organisation embracing the whole of that class, because in all capitalist countries (and not only over here, in one of the most backward) the proletariat is still so divided, so degraded, and so corrupted in parts (by imperialism in some countries) that an organisation taking in the whole proletariat cannot directly exercise proletarian dictatorship. It can be exercised only by a vanguard that has absorbed the revolutionary energy of the class. The whole is like an arrangement of cogwheels. Such is the basic mechanism of the dictatorship of the proletariat, and of the essentials of transition from capitalism to communism. From this alone it is evident that there is something fundamentally wrong in principle when Comrade Trotsky points, in his first thesis, to “ideological confusion”, and speaks of a crisis as existing specifically and particularly in the trade unions. If we are to speak of a crisis, we can do so only after analysing the political situation. It is Trotsky who is in “ideological confusion”, because in this key question of the trade unions’ role, from the standpoint of transition from capitalism to communism, he has lost sight of the fact that we have here a complex arrangement of cogwheels which cannot be a simple one; for the dictatorship of the proletariat cannot be exercised by a mass proletarian organisation. It cannot work without a number of “transmission belts” running from the vanguard to the mass of the advanced class, and from the latter to the mass of the working people. In Russia, this mass is a peasant one. There is no such mass anywhere else, but even in the most advanced countries there is a non-proletarian, or a not entirely proletarian, mass. That is in itself enough to produce ideological confusion. But it’s no use Trotsky’s pinning it on others. Vladimir Ilyich Lenin On The Trade Unions, The Present Situation and the Mistakes of Comrade Trotsky@Communism
| 2 | External labor, labor in which man alienates himself, is a labor of self-sacrifice, of mortification.
Karl Marx
Economic and Philosophic Manuscripts of 1844
@Communism | 131 |
| 3 | labourer is nothing else, his whole life through, than labour-power, that therefore all his disposable time is by nature and law labour-time, to be devoted to the self-expansion of capital. Time for education, for intellectual development, for the fulfilling of social functions and for social intercourse, for the free-play of his bodily and mental activity, even the rest time of Sunday (and that in a country of Sabbatarians!) — moonshine! But in its blind unrestrainable passion, its were-wolf hunger for surplus-labour, capital oversteps not only the moral, but even the merely physical maximum bounds of the working-day. It usurps the time for growth, development, and healthy maintenance of the body.
Karl Marx. Capital Volume One
@Communism | 406 |
| 4 | Opportunism and social-chauvinism have the same economic basis: the interests of a tiny stratum of privileged workers and of the petty bourgeoisie who are defending their privileged position, their "right" to crumbs of the profits "their" national bourgeoisie obtain from robbing other nations, from the advantages of their position as the ruling nation, etc.
Opportunism and social-chauvinism have the same ideological-political content: collaboration of classes instead of class struggle, renunciation of revolutionary methods of struggle, helping one's "own" government in its embarrassed situation instead of taking advantage of these embarrassments for revolution.
Vladimir Ilyich Lenin
Socialism and War
@Communism | 486 |
| 5 | 🔴 Lenin on Gorky’s Idealization of Lenin
Maxim Gorky portrayed Lenin in highly personal and heroic terms. Lenin himself rejected this approach.
In 1920, Lenin wrote:
“Gorky gave extremely subjective and virtually idealist appraisals of the role of Lenin…”
He criticized Gorky for overlooking:
“the leading role of the Communist Party, the decisive role of the working class and the peasantry in the revolution.”
For Lenin, the Revolution was not the product of a “great man,” but of class struggle, material conditions, and the political organization of the proletariat.
Source: V. I. Lenin, 31 July 1920
@Communism | 709 |
| 6 | Man lives from nature -- i.e., nature is his body -- and he must maintain a continuing dialogue with it is he is not to die. To say that man's physical and mental life is linked to nature simply means that nature is linked to itself, for man is a part of nature.
Karl Marx's Economic and Philosophical Manuscripts
@Communism | 777 |
| 7 | What a torch of reason ceased to burn,
What a heart has ceased to beat!
On August 5 (new style), 1895, Frederick Engels died in London. After his friend Karl Marx (who died in 1883), Engels was the finest scholar and teacher of the modern proletariat in the whole civilised world. From the time that fate brought Karl Marx and Frederick Engels together, the two friends devoted their life’s work to a common cause. And so to understand what Frederick Engels has done for the proletariat, one must have a clear idea of the significance of Marx’s teaching and work for the development of the contemporary working-class movement. Marx and Engels were the first to show that the working class and its demands are a necessary outcome of the present economic system, which together with the bourgeoisie inevitably creates and organises the proletariat. They showed that it is not the well-meaning efforts of noble-minded individuals, but the class struggle of the organised proletariat that will deliver humanity from the evils which now oppress it. In their scientific works, Marx and Engels were the first to explain that socialism is not the invention of dreamers, but the final aim and necessary result of the development of the productive forces in modern society. All recorded history hitherto has been a history of class struggle, of the succession of the rule and victory of certain social classes over others. And this will continue until the foundations of class struggle and of class domination—private property and anarchic social production—disappear. The interests of the proletariat demand the destruction of these foundations, and therefore the conscious class struggle of the organised workers must be directed against them. And every class struggle is a political struggle.
Vladimir Ilyich Lenin
Frederick Engels
@Communism | 755 |
| 8 | Cientos de miles de obreros son trasladados de este modo a centenares y millares de verstas. El capitalismo avanzado los absorbe a la fuerza en su vorágine, les arranca de sus comarcas atrasadas, hace de ellos participantes del movimiento histórico-universal y les pone frente a frente de la poderosa, unida e internacional clase de los industriales.
No cabe duda de que sólo la extrema miseria obliga a la gente a abandonar su patria y de que los capitalistas explotan con la mayor desvergüenza a los obreros inmigrantes. Sin embargo, sólo los reaccionarios pueden cerrar los ojos ante la significación progresista de esta migración moderna de los pueblos
V. I. Lenin
El capitalismo y la inmigración de los obreros
@Communism | 647 |
| 9 | What is good for the ruling class, is alleged to be good for the whole of society with which the ruling class identifies itself.
Frederick Engels
Origins of the Family, Private Property, and the State
@Communism | 662 |
| 10 | What else does the history of ideas prove, than that intellectual production changes its character in proportion as material production is changed? The ruling ideas of each age have ever been the ideas of its ruling class.
When people speak of the ideas that revolutionise society, they do but express that fact that within the old society the elements of a new one have been created, and that the dissolution of the old ideas keeps even pace with the dissolution of the old conditions of existence.
When the ancient world was in its last throes, the ancient religions were overcome by Christianity. When Christian ideas succumbed in the 18th century to rationalist ideas, feudal society fought its death battle with the then revolutionary bourgeoisie. The ideas of religious liberty and freedom of conscience merely gave expression to the sway of free competition within the domain of knowledge.
Manifesto of the Communist Party | Marx-Engels
@Communism | 657 |
| 11 | Those who recognize only the class struggle are not yet Marxists; they may be found to be still within the bounds of bourgeois thinking and bourgeois politics. To confine Marxism to the theory of the class struggle means curtailing Marxism, distorting it, reducing it to something acceptable to the bourgeoisie. Only he is a Marxist who extends the recognition of the class struggle to the recognition of the dictatorship of the proletariat. That is what constitutes the most profound distinction between the Marxist and the ordinary petty (as well as big) bourgeois. This is the touchstone on which the real understanding and recognition of Marxism should be tested.
Lenin
The State and Revolution
@Communism | 804 |
| 12 | People always have been the foolish victims of deception and self-deception in politics, and they always will be until they have learnt to seek out the interests of some class or other behind all moral, religious, political and social phrases, declarations and promises. Champions of reforms and improvements will always be fooled by the defenders of the old order until they realise that every old institution, how ever barbarous and rotten it may appear to be, is kept going by the forces of certain ruling classes. And there is only one way of smashing the resistance of those classes, and that is to find, in the very society which surrounds us, the forces which can—and, owing to their social position, must—constitute the power capable of sweeping away the old and creating the new, and to enlighten and organise those forces for the struggle.
Vladimir Ilyich Lenin
The Three Sources and Three Component Parts of Marxism
@Communism | 766 |
| 13 | V. I. Lenin - Painting by Vladimir Tsyplakov (1960)
All bourgeois parties, all parties except the working-class revolutionary Party, are liars & hypocrites when they speak about reforms.
Vladimir Lenin
Letter to the Secretary of the Socialist Propaganda League
@Communism | 721 |
| 14 | Fascism is a reactionary force which is trying to preserve the old system by means of violence. What will you do with the fascists? Argue with them? Try to convince them? But this will have no effect upon them at all. Communists do not in the least idealise the methods of violence. But they, the Communists, do not want to be taken by surprise, they cannot count on the old world voluntarily departing from the stage, they see that the old system is violently defending itself, and that is why the Communists say to the working class : Answer violence with violence; do all you can to prevent the old dying order from crushing you, do not permit it to put manacles on your hands, on the hands with which you will overthrow the old system. As you see, the Communists regard the substitution of one social system for another, not simply as a spontaneous and peaceful process, but as a complicated, long and violent process. @Communists cannot ignore facts.
J. V. Stalin
MARXISM VERSUS LIBERALISM
AN INTERVIEW WITH H.G. WELLS | 18 |
| 15 | the realm of freedom actually begins only where labour which is determined by necessity and mundane considerations ceases
Karl Marx
Capital: Volume 3
@Communism | 899 |
| 16 | There's no one more alive than Lenin in the world,
our strength, our wisdom,
surest of our weapons.
Vladimir Ilyich Lenin (1924)
By VLADIMIR MAYAKOVSKY
@Communism | 713 |
| 17 | It must never for a moment lose sight of our ultimate goal, but always carry on propaganda for the proletarian ideology —the theory of scientific socialism, viz., Marxism—guard it against distortion, and develop it further. We must untiringly combat any and every bourgeois ideology, regardless of the fashionable and striking garb in which it may drape itself.
Vladimir Ilyich Lenin
Political Agitation and “The Class Point of View”
@Communism | 974 |
| 18 | Petty-bourgeois socialism expresses the dream of the small proprietor of how to abolish the distinction between rich and poor. Petty-bourgeois socialism assumes that it is possible for all to become “equalised” proprietors, neither poor nor rich; and so the petty-bourgeois socialists draft Bills providing for universal and equalised land tenure. But in reality, poverty and want cannot be abolished in the way the small proprietor wants to do it. Equalised use of the land is impossible so long as the rule of money, the rule of capital, exists. No laws on earth can abolish inequality and exploitation so long as production for the market continues, and so long as there is the rule of money and the power of capital. Exploitation can be completely abolished only when all the land, factories and tools are transferred to the working class, and when large-scale socialised and planned production is organised. That is why proletarian socialism (Marxism) shows that all the hopes of petty-bourgeois social ism of the possibility of “equalised” small-scale production, or even of the possibility of preserving small-scale production at all under capitalism, are groundless.
Vladimir Ilyich Lenin
The Land Question and the Fight for Freedom
@Communism | 922 |
| 19 | Capital is an international force. To vanquish it, an international workers’ alliance, an international workers’ brotherhood, is needed.
We are opposed to national enmity and discord, to national exclusiveness. We are internationalists. We stand for the close union and the complete amalgamation of the workers and peasants of all nations in a single world Soviet republic.
V. I. Lenin
Letter to the Workers and Peasants of the Ukraine
@Communism | 1 021 |
| 20 | Not only people who are directly dependent on the bourgeoisie, not only those who live under the yoke of capital or who have been bribed by capital (there are a large number of all sorts of scientists, artists, priests, etc. , in the service of capital), but even people who are simply under the sway of the prejudice of bourgeois liberty, have taken up arms against Bolshevism all over the world because when the Soviet Republic was founded it rejected these bourgeois lies and openly declared: you say your state is free, whereas in reality, as long as there is private property, your state, even if it is a democratic republic, is nothing but a machine used by the capitalists to suppress the workers, and the freer the state, the more clearly is this expressed.
Vladimir Ilyich Lenin
The State: A Lecture Delivered at the Sverdlov University
July 11, 1919
@Communism | 832 |
