𝑭𝒂𝒔𝒄𝒊𝒔𝒕 𝒊𝒏𝒕𝒆𝒓𝒏𝒂𝒕𝒊𝒐𝒏𝒂𝒍

Nothing angers men and peoples more than to find obstacles in the path of their most elementary urges: hunger and sex-appetites of an order analogous to the dim call of the earth are capable, if unsatisfied, of unleashing the gravest tragedies.... When one of these primordial feelings implanted in the depths of a people's instinct is offended, their elemental reaction in an opposite direction is inevitable, even on, the part of those least wedded to the nationalist spirit. It is almost a question of a biological phenomenon. Not much brighter, however, is the attitude of those who, when confronted with the feeling of localistic patriotism, have been straining hard for the direct awakening of a merely unitarian patriotic feeling. Sentiment for sentiment,the simplest always prevails. When unitary patriotism descends to the plane of sensation, perceptible by an almost vegetable consciousness, the nearer it is the more intense it becomes. How, then, is the patriotism of the large,either case.Ibid.heterogeneous units to be revived? By nothing less than revising the idea of the "nation" in order to set it up on a different footing. And here we may employ as our rule what has been said regarding the difference between the "individual" and the "person". Just as the person is the individual regarded as a function of society, so the nation is the people regarded as a function of the universal order. The Person is not so designated qua dark or fair, tall or short, a speaker of this or that language, but qua bearer of such and such definitely regulated social relationships. One is only a Person in so far as one is "another"; that is, one as against the Others, a potential creditor or debtor with regard to others, a holder of positions that are not those of the others. The Personality, then, is not determined from within by being an aggregate of cells, but from without, by being a bearer of relations. In the same way, a people is not a nation by virtue of any kind of physical qualification, by local colors or savors, but by "being Other in the universal order"; that is to say, by having a destiny which is not that of the other nations. Thus, not every people or aggregate of peoples is a nation, but only those ones which fulfill a historic destiny differentiated in the universal order. Accordingly, it is superfluous to investigate whether a nation furnishes the prerequisites of geographical, racial or linguistic unity; what matters is to discover whether it possesses, in the universal order, this unity of historic destiny. The classical ages saw this with their usual clarity. That is why they never used the words "patria" and "nation" in the Romantic sense, or anchored patriotism to a dim love of the soil. Rather did they prefer expressions having an allusion to the "historic instrument". The word "Spain", which in itself connotes an Undertaking, will always possess much more significance than the phrase "the Spanish nation". In England, which is perhaps the country having the most classic patriotism of all, not only the word "patria", does not exist, but there are few people capable of distinguishing the word "King", the symbol of the unity operating throughout their history, from the word "country", which is a reference to the territorial basis of that unity itself. We have reached the end of our journey. It is only when thus understood that a nation's patriotism can prevail over the disintegrative effect of local nationalisms. Everything genuine that the latter contain must be recognized; but in face of them it is necessary to arouse a vigorous movement of aspiration towards the nationalism which is missionary and which conceives the Patria as a historic unity of destiny. Essay on Nationalism, April 1934.87 -𝐏𝐚𝐫𝐭 𝐟𝐫𝐨𝐦 𝐂𝐨𝐝𝐞𝐱 𝐅𝐚𝐬𝐜𝐢𝐬𝐦𝐨

𝐓𝐇𝐄𝐎𝐑𝐘 𝐎𝐅 𝐓𝐇𝐄 𝐍𝐀𝐓𝐈𝐎𝐍 51. The nation is not a geographical reality, nor a racial, nor a linguistic one; it is essentially a historical unity. An aggregation of men upon a piece of ground is only a nation in so far as it is a function of the universal, if it fulfills a destiny of its own in History, a destiny which is not that of "the rest". "The rest" are always those by whom we tell that we are "one". In the common life which I share with men. I am he who is not any of the others. In the universal common life each nation is that which none of the others is. Hence, nations are determined from without; they are distinguished from the environment amidst which they fulfill their own, and universal, destiny. 'F.E.', 7-12-33. 52.... We realize that a nation is not merely the attractive force of the soil on which we are born, it is not that direct sentimental emotion that we all feel in the presence of our own earth, but a nation is a unity of destiny in the universal order, it is a plane to which a people has risen when it fulfills a universal mission in History... Parliament, 4-1-34. 53. Nations are not "contracts" that can be rescinded at the will of those who enter into them; they are "foundations" with a proper substantiality of their own, not dependent on the will of the many or of the few. 54. From now on, for clearness sake, it will be convenient to use the word "nation", meaning by that word precisely this: the political society capable of finding its machinery of operation in the State. Thus the theme of the present essay stands defined: to explain what the nation is; whether it is the spontaneous reality of a people, as the Romantic nationalists think, or whether it is something not determined by natural characteristics. Essay on Nationalism, April 1934. 55. The Romantic thesis was aimed at "disqualification", that is, at the abolition of all elements such as Law and History added as a result of effort to the primitive entities of individual and people. Law had transformed the "individual" into a "person"; History had transformed the "people" into the "polis", into the political condition of a State... For the Romantic thesis it was a matter of vital interest to return to the primitive, to the spontaneous, in Romanticism is a frail attitude which seeks precisely to lay basic foundations on swampy soil; Romanticism is a school of though with no hard and fast lines, which at each moment and in each crisis entrusts the Sensitive faculty with the solution of those problems which should only be entrusted to the reason. Parliament, 3-7-34. 57. Romanticism had a leaning towards naturism. The "return to nature" was its watchword. Thus, the "nation" came to be identified with that which was "native". The things that determined a nation were the ethnological, linguistic, geographical and climatic characteristics. In the limiting case, community of usages, customs and tradition; but the word tradition is to be taken as little more than the remembrance of the same reiterated usage, and not in any reference to a historical process that should be like a starting point towards a perhaps unattainable objective. The most dangerous nationalisms, for their disintegrative effect, are those which have envisaged the nation in this manner. If it be granted that the nation is determined by the spontaneous element, the particularist nationalisms achieve an impregnable position. Undoubtedly the spontaneous element is in accord with this view. That is why it is so easy to feel local patriotism. That is why peoples get so readily lit up by the joyous rapture of their own songs, their own festivals, their own soil. In all this there is something like a sensuous appeal, which can be perceived even in the smell of the earth; a physical, primordial, warming and quickening current, something akin to drunkenness or to the fulness of plants in the period of fertilization It is to this rustic and primitive condition that nationalisms of Romantic type owe their extreme brittleness.

𝐓𝐡𝐞 𝐖𝐚𝐫 Italy was not yet recovered from the shock of the "Settima Rossa", when she was once again confronted with the threat of war. Although Italy in 1914 did not yet participate in the first World War, all elements within the revolutionary syndicalist movement agreed that if Italy would participate in the war, it should be on the side of France and Great Brittain (the Entente). For the revolutionary syndicalists the alliance of the Prussian empire with Austria-Hungary was the ultimate manifestation of the reaction. With this reasoning it would be the revolutionary syndicalists, who would lead the leftist intervantionalist camp once the war would break out. This caused unrest within the antimilitarist USI, which pled for an Italian neutrality in the conflict and who threatened the government with a revolutionary general strike if it would plunche Italy into a war. In 1914 several revolutionary syndicalists led by Alceste de Ambris began a severe campaign against the neutralism of the USI and called upon the Italian government to support France and Great Brittain in their war against the Prussian and Austria-Hungarian reaction. De Ambris even compared the war with the French revolution. This led to a big break within the USI, where the majority led by the anarchist Armando Borghi continued to advocate neutralism and antimilitarism. As a reaction a part of the revolutionary syndicalists left the USI and in the beginning of October they founded the Fascio Rivoluzionario d'Azione (association of of revolutionary action). Most of the leaders within the Fascio Rivoluzionario d'Azione conscripted conform their ideas into the army to fight at the front when Italy in 1915 really started to participate in World War One. A small number of leaders remained behind to lead the revolutionary syndicats. After the war broke out the ideological development of Italian revolutionary syndicalism had reached an irreversible point; The synthesis of syndicalist socialism and radical nationalism, that started to develop since 1914, went through a massive evolution. In 1917 this led towards a process in which this syndicalist socialism evermore developed a national character and increasingly began to drop off its marxist origin. In the last years of the war Alceste De Ambris published the journal II Rinnovamento, which in time would develop itself into the most important organ of the national-syndicalist tendency. -𝐏𝐚𝐫𝐭 𝐅𝐫𝐨𝐦 "𝐀𝐧 𝐢𝐧𝐭𝐫𝐨𝐝𝐮𝐜𝐭𝐢𝐨𝐧 𝐭𝐨 𝐍𝐚𝐭𝐢𝐨𝐧𝐚𝐥-𝐒𝐲𝐧𝐝𝐢𝐜𝐚𝐥𝐢𝐬𝐦"

As, according to the Book of Genesis, God took the dust of the ground before He breathed into it the breath of life, so do we believe that the starting point in national reconstruction is to be found in the economic sphere. How can we have a mentally and morally healthy nation as long as millions of our employed people are standing on the brink of the precipice of starvation, and when they realise that another economic crisis will hurl thousands of them over it! Yet what can we do? Are we not doing all that in the circumstances is possible? Perhaps, but, as in fact it is so little, why not change the circumstances? What are they? We know that our resources are almost unlimited, we know that our power to produce is almost unlimited, and also that our power to consume is almost unlimited. This is because there are few men and women in the land whowould not consume more had they the money to pay for what they want. The economic problem, is, therefore fundamentally one of money; that is, of power to distribute things to the people who are in need of them. First let me compare work to a railway. If a railway service can convey 100,000 people from A to B, and if 100,000 people wish to travel, should the number of tickets in the office be only 50,000. If so then 50,000 will be stranded. These today are represented by our unemployed. Worse still, should each ticket be valued at one shilling, then it is certain that some people, who have several shillings in their pockets will buy up handfuls of tickets and auction them to the highest bidders, with the result that tickets will go up in price, and many people will be unable to pay for them -𝐏𝐚𝐫𝐭 𝐟𝐫𝐨𝐦 𝐂𝐨𝐝𝐞𝐱 𝐅𝐚𝐬𝐜𝐢𝐬𝐦𝐨

𝐀 𝐍𝐄𝐖 𝐌𝐎𝐕𝐄𝐌𝐄𝐍𝐓 𝐍𝐄𝐄𝐃𝐄𝐃 EVER SINCE THE War ended, what has a succession of Governments, Conservative, Labor, and National done? Each has worked on an identical policy, namely, "the postponing of difficulties" whether national, international or imperial. The old Asquithian principle of "Wait and See" has been their guiding star. Nevertheless, although the people through their individual energy have done something towards restoring prosperity, the grim fact remains that in the last general election nearly as many people abstained from voting as put the present government into power. Not only does this mean that the government does not represent the nation, but that it is living on a volcano, at present inactive. But will it remain so? Should it explode, then there is as yet no alternative to the "red flag". That means internal strife and inevitably foreign war in order to cancel it out. What is the use of criticizing the present Government and then refusing to accept the sole existing alternative?Is not this like a physician haranguing a suffocating man? Has not the time come for drastic action, even if much of it must be experimental? But no, the great middle classes which should take the lead, prefer to drift on an ocean of muddled words. I can understand any man or woman accepting or rejecting a political doctrine after examining it, but to accept only what its opponents declare it to be, is peculiarly un-British. Many people I have talked to imagine that they can clinch all arguments by saying "We will not tolerate dictatorship". Yet this is exactly what they are tolerating. The party organizers dictate to them, who in turn are dictated to by the grimmest of all dictators the "Money Power". "But we will not tolerate a single dictator" they say. Yet who has suggested that a single man should rule in defiance of the will of the nation? Certainly not British Union. We offer leadership, not dictatorship, and a leadership which can be freely accepted or rejected by the vote of the whole people. What means do the people possess of winning freedom from the present dictatorship of vested interests other than giving a government, which they have elected, the power of effective action in their name and in discharge of their will? The degree of power which the people invest in Government will clearly depend on the degree of the disease with which the government has to deal. If the social body is sodiseased that only drastic remedy can sure it, then power of action adequate to the situation must be given. As with the individual himself, but when diseased he comes under the dictatorship of the physician. A STITCH IN TIME Therefore the severity of the measures which the nation entrusts to Government must depend on the degree to which social disease has proceeded. In Germany and Italy the collapse of the body politic had gone far and only very drastic remedies could avail. but in the past it has been the genius of the British to take action in time and so mitigate the cure. It is to this historic genius of out people that we now appeal. If our appeal to act in time is not in vain, the movement in Britain will assume a form different from any continental analogy and be peculiarly British is character. But whatever the future may hold, the principle of British Union is clear: we offer leadership, and leadership alone. The power our Government wields will be conferred by the free will of the people expressed by their vote, and will be subject to confirmation of removal by the free will of the people expressed in the same way. Because so little is understood as to what British Union means, I will now, as briefly as I can, explain it to you. Its fundamental principle is the threefold ordering of the state, that is, of the national life. In other words, as the individual life is by nature dependent upon the physical, mental and moral qualities in man, so is the life of a nation dependent upon them in the forms of economics, politics and culture. FIRST THINGS FIRST

𝐀𝐫𝐭𝐮𝐫𝐨 𝐋𝐚𝐛𝐫𝐢𝐨𝐥𝐚 𝐚𝐧𝐝 𝐈𝐭𝐚𝐥𝐢𝐚𝐧 𝐬𝐲𝐧𝐝𝐢𝐜𝐚𝐥𝐢𝐬𝐦 Quickly a small group of Italian syndicalists, led by Artuto Labriola, formed their own fraction within the Italian Socialist Party (PSI). They accused the reformists within the Party of only defending the industrial proletariat in Northern Italy, and not the peasant masses in the South - who formed the majority of the Italian population. They suggested that the socialist revolution could only come about by the organisation of the entire working class, who were, organized within militant syndicats, able to take over the production process from the bourgeoisie. During a congress in Ferrara in 1907 it was decided that the revolutionary syndicalist movement from now on would leave the Party politics of the PSI, to target syndicalist politics as an independend proletarian organization. These revolutionary syndicalist were convinced that a well organized proletarian avant-garde (vanguard) could always enter into a conflict with the bourgeoisie and win it. The idea of a militant and revolutionary syndicalist avant-garde first came into practice during the general agricultural strike on the 1st of Mai in Parma. This strike formed the climax of a conflict between the peasants and the association of landowners. The Chamber of Labour in Parma became the nerve centre of the syndicalist movement and develop itself into a centre of true proletarian solidarity The strikers were supported by all members of the militant syndicats through financial donations. There was a high degree of discipline and organization, which eventually enabled over a 33.000 workers to paralyze everything for 3 long months. The strike ended only in June, when incidents with scabs led into a confrontation with the army, that occupied the Chamber of Labour and the strike money-box. The socialist movement reacted by dismissing the revolutionary syndicalists from its ranks and the PSI banned them from all political activities. In 1912 the revolutionary syndicalists founded their own union, the Unione Sindicale Italiana (USI), which, before the end of the year, gathered over 100.000 members. This Union adopted the traditional anti-militarist line of syndicalism, which lasted untill the "Red Week" (Settima Rossa). The "Red Week" began on 7 June 1914, when leftwing militants went onto the streets to demonstrate against the militarism of the Republican Party during the build up to World War One. At their headquarters in Ancona the police and carabinieri fired at the protesters, which resulted in three deads and many wounded. After this a general strike was declared, that spread out through all of Italy. In Milan leading syndicalists, such as Filippo Corridoni, led protests which usually degenerated into violence. In some places these protests took the shape of a full peoples uprising. Eventually the army was forced to intervene so that the bourgeois order in Italy could be restored and to suppress the threatening civil war -𝐏𝐚𝐫𝐭 𝐅𝐫𝐨𝐦 "𝐀𝐧 𝐢𝐧𝐭𝐫𝐨𝐝𝐮𝐜𝐭𝐢𝐨𝐧 𝐭𝐨 𝐍𝐚𝐭𝐢𝐨𝐧𝐚𝐥-𝐒𝐲𝐧𝐝𝐢𝐜𝐚𝐥𝐢𝐬𝐦"

𝐓𝐇𝐄 𝐅𝐀𝐋𝐀𝐍𝐆𝐈𝐒𝐓 𝐎𝐀𝐓𝐇 I swear to give myself always to the service of Spain. I swear to have no pride other than that of the fatherland and of the Falange and to live under the Falange in obedience and joy, impetuousness and patience, gallantry and silence. I swear fidelity and submission to our leaders, honour to the memory of our dead, and imperturbable perseverance amid all vicissitudes. I swear, wherever I may be, in order to obey or in order to command that I shall respect our Hierarchy from the first to the last rank. I swear to reject and give no ear to any voice of either friend or foe who might weaken the spirit of the Falange. I swear to preserve above all the idea of unity: unity among the lands of Spain, unity among the classes of Spain, unity within the individual man and among the men of Spain. I swear to live in holy brotherhood with all members of the Falange and to lend every assistance and eliminate every difference whenever this holy brotherhood requests that I do so

𝐒𝐲𝐧𝐝𝐢𝐜𝐚𝐥𝐢𝐬𝐦 𝐚𝐧𝐝 𝐧𝐚𝐭𝐢𝐨𝐧𝐚𝐥𝐢𝐬𝐦 At the end of the 19th century and beginning of the 20th century, Marxism had to compete with the different difficulties that came forth from the struggle against capitalism. From this ideological crisis many revisionist tendencies arose, which pursued their own revision of socialism. One of these tendencies centralised around the French marxist philosopher Georges Eugene Sorel. In the course of time Sorel became, because of his practice experiences within the French syndicalist movement, a convinced "revisionist" and eventually provided the intellectual basis for national-syndicalism - Sorel's directive was therefore "back to Marx". According to Sorel human actions arose from irrational faith and rational methods. Believing in something (in the case of Sorel the general strike) can be very effective, even if this (general strike) still needs to take place. This belief, he called the myth. Myths can be just as effective as the reality; If the masses are convinced of their own abilities, the system will eventually be overthrown. With this he introduced the idea of the social myth, with which he inspired anarchists, socialists as well as nationalists. For Sorel the working class was no longer an obvious fact. He was sharply aware of the different developments within capitalism that would lead the working class to be merged into a bourgeois middle class. However, to make a fist against capitalism, the myth of the proletariat, and thus the general strike, must remain intact - even strengthened. In this Sorel saw task of the general strike as the myth of revolutionary syndicalism; To unite a fragmented working class by means of a proletarian unity. At the beginning of the 20th century Sorel seeked rapprochement to the integralist nationalists of Action Francaise and later on to the Cercle Proudhon. From this time on nationalists and syndicalists started to influence each other. Both rejected the bourgeois values of the French revolution, the parliamentary democracy, liberalism, internationalism and pacifism. Also they shared the admiration for heroism, vitalism and violence. Also outside of France, in countries such as Italy, these new ideas gathered more and more support among revolutionary syndicalists, such as Arturo Labriola, Agostino Lanzillo, Angelo Oliviero Olivetti and Sergio Panunzio, who tried to create a synthesis between the Italian national cause and that of revolutionary syndicalism -𝐏𝐚𝐫𝐭 𝐅𝐫𝐨𝐦 "𝐀𝐧 𝐢𝐧𝐭𝐫𝐨𝐝𝐮𝐜𝐭𝐢𝐨𝐧 𝐭𝐨 𝐍𝐚𝐭𝐢𝐨𝐧𝐚𝐥-𝐒𝐲𝐧𝐝𝐢𝐜𝐚𝐥𝐢𝐬𝐦"

"Fascism appears to us as a reconstructive revolution, in that it affirms an aristocratic and spiritual concept of the nation, as against both socialist and internationalist collectivism, and the democratic and demagogic notion of the nation. In addition, its scorn for the economic myth and its elevation of the nation in practice to the degree of warrior nation, marks positively the first degree of this reconstruction, which is to re-subordinate the values of the ancient castes of the merchants and slaves to the values of the immediately higher caste." — Julius Evola

ANCESTORS When you look in the mirror you see not just your face but a museum. Although your face, in one sense, is your own, it is composed of a collage of features you have inherited from your parents, grandparents, great- grandparents, and so on. The lips and eyes that either bother or please you are not yours alone but are also features of your ancestors, long dead per- haps as individuals but still very much alive as fragments in you. Even complex qualities such as your sense of balance, musical abilities, shyness in crowds, or susceptibility to sickness have been lived before. We carry the past around with us all the time, and not just in our bodies. It lives also in our customs, including the way we speak. The past is a set of invisible lenses we wear constantly, and through these we perceive the world and the world perceives us. We stand always on the shoulders of our ancestors, whether or not we look down to acknowledge them

The Basics of Fascism and Corporatism Corporatism is a synthesis between nationalism and socialist thought , a system where both capital and Labor cooperate for the socially optimum outcome. Nationalism in the Fascist view considers the nation an organic whole , It's will the unified will of its people for their renewal. This necessitates Idealism — Fascism promotes the ideal of Heroism ; a New man motivated by honor and duty , who tries to approach the Supreme Ideal , of death to the self , of strength and of mercy. How would you guys define anti-materialism? Anti-materialism- Fascism considers materialism in both commercial society and Marxism to be abhorrent. Paraphrasing Giovanni Gentile: We reject the consensus that man is a producing-consuming animal.

The Basics of Fascism and Corporatism Corporatism is a synthesis between nationalism and Marxist thought , a system where both capital and Labor cooperate for the socially optimum outcome. Nationalism in the Fascist view considers the nation an organic whole , It's will the unified will of its people for their renewal. This necessitates Idealism — Fascism promotes the ideal of Heroism ; a New man motivated by honor and duty , who tries to approach the Supreme Ideal , of death to the self , of strength and of mercy. How would you guys define anti-materialism? Anti-materialism- Fascism considers materialism in both commercial society and Marxism to be abhorrent. Paraphrasing Giovanni Gentile: We reject the consensus that man is a producing-consuming animal.

“It could be an anti-Marxist socialism, for instance; a national socialism. The millions of workers who will return to the furrows of their fields after having lived in the furrows of the trenches will realize the synthesis of the antithesis: class and nation.” — 𝐁𝐞𝐧𝐢𝐭𝐨 𝐌𝐮𝐬𝐬𝐨𝐥𝐢𝐧𝐢

If we put 100 black and 100 red ants in a jar, nothing will happen.But if you shake that jar hard, the ants will start killing each other. Reds see blacks as their enemies, and blacks see reds as their enemies.In fact, the real enemy is the one who shakes the can.This happens in society as well.So, before you mix people up, you should think about who is stirring the can?! -Otto von Bismarck

"We have to create a new aristocracy, a value and rank order based on character, courage and steadiness. One sentence of Nietzsche's I identify with: 'What today can prove if one be of value or not?—that he is steadfast.' " — Adolf Hitler Source: Ein anderer Hitler by Hermann Giesler p.180 @NSHeathenry

"The Jew is the same today as he was thousands of years ago. He works with the same means as before. The Russian people were once a hardworking peasant people. Trade and commerce flourished. Cities were and factories were built. Then came the Jew. He founded parties from right to left and brought discontent to the people. He saw his fruits ripening in the disunity of the Russian people. Having succeeded in unleashing the world war, he was able to establish his Jewish Bolshevik rule in Russia." 𝐉𝐮𝐥𝐢𝐮𝐬 𝐒𝐭𝐫𝐞𝐢𝐜𝐡𝐞𝐫 𝑭𝒐𝒓𝒎𝒆𝒓 𝑮𝒂𝒖𝒍𝒆𝒊𝒕𝒆𝒓 (𝒓𝒆𝒈𝒊𝒐𝒏𝒂𝒍 𝒍𝒆𝒂𝒅𝒆𝒓) 𝒐𝒇 𝑭𝒓𝒂𝒏𝒄𝒐𝒏𝒊𝒂 𝒂𝒏𝒅 𝒐𝒘𝒏𝒆𝒓 𝒐𝒇 𝒕𝒉𝒆 𝒏𝒆𝒘𝒔𝒑𝒂𝒑𝒆𝒓 "𝑫𝒆𝒓 𝑺𝒕ü𝒓𝒎𝒆𝒓" 𝒊𝒏 𝒂 𝒔𝒑𝒆𝒆𝒄𝒉 𝒐𝒏 𝑴𝒂𝒚 5, 1928, 𝒊𝒏 𝒕𝒉𝒆 𝑯𝒆𝒓𝒌𝒖𝒍𝒆𝒔-𝑺𝒂𝒂𝒍𝒃𝒂𝒖 𝒊𝒏 𝑵𝒖𝒓𝒆𝒎𝒃𝒆𝒓𝒈.

The revolutionary fascist economic system is based on the concept of the corporate state. The corporate state in turn is based on concepts such as collaboration between classes and the representation of the different working categories directly in the institutional bodies, with the element of the chamber of labour. The corporate system approaches the different aspects of work (dependent, autonomous and managerial) in a manner directly proportional to the state itself, consequently supporting the inter-class aspect that all this entails. Fascist corporatism finds its pure and total form in Ugo Spirito's innovative theory, known as proprietary corporation, exposed in Ferrara in 1932 following a debate on corporate economics. This theory takes on a totally revolutionary purpose in the fascist economic system, as a change takes place in the mode of production, in which the management of the company and its capital is governed by the corporation itself, which however becomes the organic whole of the same workers who operate in the different productive sectors, therefore the corporation becomes the owner of the means of production and the company's profits and takes on this role for the different national working sectors.

The movement should educate its members in such a way that they do not find the struggle difficult, but that they strive for the struggle themselves. They should not be afraid of hostility from their opponents. On the contrary, they should consider this hostility as the first confirming fact that their movement has the right to exist. We should not be afraid of hatred from our opponents, but we should strive to hate the enemy as much as possible for the work done for our nation. At the same time, we must realize from the beginning that because the enemy hates us, he will spread lies about us and torture us. A true National Socialist and a generally decent German is not someone who is not attacked by Jewish newspapers, i.e. whom they do not insult and do not torture. The more the deadly, sleepless enemies of our nation hate and persecute a particular worker of ours, the purer and more decent this man is, the purer his intention, the more useful his work -Adolf Hitler

A moment's reflection shows that Liberalism is entirely negative. It is not a formative force, but always and only a disintegrating force -Francis Parker Yockey