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Strangers In The Dunyā

Mostly analysis of politics and economics from an Islāmic perspective.

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01
Fiat currency derives its value from people demanding it to satisfy their needs and wants. Moving away from dependence on fiat currency, even if only partially, can harm the enemies of Allāh and contribute towards the end of the fiat-based global system of enslavement. The more people turn to alternatives like gifting, charity, abstaining from excessive consumption, barter trading, and cryptocurrencies, the less people would want fiat money. The ṭawāghīt need to keep printing and increasing the supply of fiat money because they rely on it to purchase weapons from arms manufacturers to arm their military and security apparatuses and aid their allies like the Zionist entity. They also need it to preserve and expand their control over the people they rule over by building schools, hospitals, and social welfare programs. They won’t go with the flow and use alternatives to fiat money like others because sticking to the fiat monetary system is how they stay in power. US global dominance survives on most of the world’s fiat currencies being pegged to the US dollar and the ṭawāghīt of other countries want to avoid being eliminated or isolated from the “benefits” of having access to markets controlled by the liberal international economic order. By reducing our demand for fiat money, the inflation and currency devaluation resulting from the ṭawāghīt increasing its supply would be higher. This means the fiat prices of goods and services and government expenditures would increase, creating more societal pressure on ṭāghūt governments, making it harder for them to increase their power and grant subsidies to the enemies of Allāh like the Zionist entity, and encouraging more people to turn to alternatives to fiat money.
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The ease of printing money in a fiat monetary system leads to ever-increasing inflation. As inflation increases, living costs also increase. When this happens, the masses of workers demand higher wages and pressure politicians to increase the minimum wage, which they will do in a democracy in order to gain votes. Although employers will make more money from the increased prices of goods and services, they will also have to spend more money on rent, electricity and water bills, their personal living expenses, etc. Since they cannot afford to pay the extra wages, they’d have to fire workers or shut down, leading to increased unemployment. Increased unemployment along with the fact that money has less purchasing power as inflation increases means that people will consume less in the market, which leads to even less production and more businesses shutting down, creating more unemployment and less consumption. It’s a vicious cycle.
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The feminisation of men is the latest in a long list of historical processes to increase the centralisation of power in the hands of the state. Weak men are less capable of protecting and providing for themselves and their families, and women are naturally weaker than men. This gives the state justification to impose higher taxes to purchase technology to arm the police force and increase the power of and people’s dependence on the police. Additional taxes would also be required to build social welfare programs to provide for men who can’t provide for themselves and families who don’t have men to provide for them. These programs then compete with traditions and institutions that provide for the people independently of the state on an unequal footing, leading people to become more dependent on the state and to the state becoming more powerful and influential. This is why there’s such a great effort in public educational institutions to push for homosexuality and the feminisation of boys and men.
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There’s hardly any democratic state today that doesn’t have policies like the minimum wage, price fixing, taxation, universal healthcare and education, and state-controlled social welfare. That’s because democracy is an authoritarian system that gives an unprecedented amount of power to the state; the only difference is that you get to choose which parties/politicians you want to represent the state. Life is difficult for most people, and in a democracy, politicians simply make promises that sound good to most people in order to gain votes. So they keep giving people “benefits” like the minimum wage, price fixing, universal healthcare and education, social welfare, etc. Levying high tax rates can be justified in order to implement all these policies. This, of course, increases the power and influence of the state. More taxes allow the state to spend more money on expanding its power; and public education, healthcare, and welfare take over traditions and institutions that provide for the people independently of the state, such as charity, gifting, taking care of parents, homeschooling, traditional medicine, and caring for the ill. Traditions and state-independent institutions can’t compete with state-controlled programs because people would be less willing to spend their time helping others in the presence of an overarching state that already does that job and because the state has a lot more wealth to spend on providing for people. In the UK, we have a universal healthcare system called the National Health Service, and not even the conservative Tories are willing to suggest abolishing it. In the US, no Republican government has attempted to abolish the federal minimum wage.
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Establishing a hierarchical society is necessary because the people need a common identity to unite under and maintain social cohesion. This common identity cannot be established except through hierarchy, as humankind is too diverse to build a common identity around. Under khilāfah, people are unified under the identity of Islām and those who don’t fall into this identity are given an inferior status. Under the liberal nationalist state that prevails today, people are unified under the identity of their nationality and those who don’t fall into this identity are given an inferior status. Under khilāfah, the kāfir is a dhimmī, mu`āhid, or slave. Under the liberal nationalist state, the one who doesn’t share the nationality of the majority of people that make up the nation the state represents is a non-citizen who doesn’t even have a say in the politics of the country they live in, despite being affected by state policy. Every attempt to establish an egalitarian society has been a cover to replace the existing hierarchy or strengthen the existing one. The communist revolution in Russia was the replacement of a hierarchy where aristocrats were dominant with a hierarchy where the socialist state was dominant. The state is a type of hierarchical order, and every attempt by the state to make society more egalitarian has resulted in the further destruction of traditional hierarchies and the strengthening of the state. An example of this is the liberal nationalist state’s war on the family via “women’s emancipation” in order to strengthen the power and influence of the state. The establishment of democracy was also the replacement of one hierarchy with another. Democracy can only emerge through a war on a traditional socioeconomic order and the destruction of traditional institutions like tribes and families that protect and provide for the people and give them a sense of belonging to a community. This strengthens the dominance of the state, as the people would turn to the state to protect and provide for them. The hierarchical structure of nationalism is likewise necessary for a democracy, not only because the people need a new identity to unite under and maintain social cohesion in the absence of traditional social institutions but also because people need to be encouraged to vote in the interests of society at large instead of just themselves even when those traditional social institutions no longer exist. Furthermore, political parties in a democracy compete with each other in elections by promising the masses more economic benefits than their opponents. Democratic governments establish a slave class they can exploit to seize the wealth necessary to fulfil their promises and feed the whims of the masses. In the ancient Athenian democracy, they had a literal slave class living in Greece whose members weren’t citizens with the right to vote. Today, the slave class is established on nationalist lines where democracies enslave other countries through the process of neocolonialism. This is also another way democracy leads to the hierarchical order known as the state; people become more and more dependent on the state as the state continuously provides them with economic benefits.
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The neocolonial relationship many “developing” countries — including Muslim ones — have with the kāfir West means that the West depends on them for a stable supply of raw materials and stable markets to sell their goods. These are essential to sustaining the industrial economies of the West. The presence of war within and between the West’s various colonies often disrupts the supply of raw materials and the functioning of markets. This is one of the reasons why the kuffār of the West designed international law to make it very difficult to legally wage war. International law prohibits the targeting of “civilians” and even any attack on military targets that are expected to result in collateral damage against “civilians”. To give this moral legitimacy in the eyes of Muslims, they’ve also trained treacherous “scholars” to propagate this heretical belief to Muslims by misrepresenting Islāmic law and texts. However, the West and its puppets and allies can still wage wars that are within Western interests without being subject to any penalty by the international community if they break international law, because the US, Britain, and France are permanent UN Security Council members and can veto any proposed resolution to punish violators of international law that work to advance their interests. When it comes to warring factions that oppose Western interests on the other hand, the violation of international law on their part gives moral and legal justifications for the West to intervene in their conflicts and attempt to eliminate them. It also discredits and delegitimises their cause in the eyes of people who are mentally colonised by international law. Jihād is the only path to our liberation and the reunification of Muslim lands, but following international law to the letter makes it extremely difficult for us to wage jihād and puts us at a massive disadvantage. This is especially the case when we consider the fact our enemies are the West and its puppets and allies who break international law on a daily basis. The sharī`ah permits the targeting of any adult male who fights and anyone else who provides material or moral support to those who fight. Many jurists also permit the targeting of any adult male who is merely capable of fighting and the Shāfi`ī school permits the targeting of any adult male in general. If there are non-combatants like women and children among the enemy, then striking the enemy is not prohibited due to that even if it would certainly lead to the deaths of those women and children, as prohibiting it would lead to the suspension of jihād. In modern warfare, striking economic targets like the means of production that supply steel and aluminium can be crucial to reducing the supply of materials and components that are used in the production of weapons and military equipment at a time when they’re in high demand. Likewise, striking transport infrastructure is very useful to reduce the supply of these materials and components as well as weapons and equipment. It’s also necessary to hinder the movement of soldiers and their aides. Financial targets like banks lend loans to governments, who use the money to fund their military and security apparatuses. They also keep economic life bearable, and their collapse often leads to financial crises that affect everyone (like the 1482 AH financial crisis). Other civil infrastructures like those that supply food, water, and electricity also keep life bearable and uphold the morale of enemy combatants by providing for their needs and wants. This keeps a population, including soldiers and their aides, in support of their government’s war effort. Some scholars say that conducting operations that will lead to collateral damage is only permitted out of necessity. But striking civil infrastructure is often a necessity especially in this day and age when different industries across the world — including the arms industry — are so interdependent.
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It’s not just limited to this, however, because it’s necessary to have access to resources, components, and markets under the control of the liberal international order to even be able to fight a war without carrying out operations that are likely to result in collateral damage on “civilians”. The US manufactures high-tech weapons that can attack specific targets while avoiding or minimising collateral damage and then equips its military and the militaries of its allies and puppets — such as the Zionist entity — with them. Ironically, it manages to obtain the materials, components, and markets to continue manufacturing them through brutal imperialism that has resulted in millions of deaths both directly through killing and indirectly through neocolonial economic policies. Of course, it’s possible to capture these weapons from the enemy on the battlefield. But it’s not possible to have a consistent supply of them except by accepting the liberal international order and often also by befriending the worst enemies of Islām. Apart from granting legitimacy to the Pax-Americana by accepting and participating in the liberal international order, purchasing the raw materials and components necessary to manufacture them expands the arms industries of the kuffār. Certain regions of the world specialise in the production and supply of raw materials and components that the arms industry highly depends on to keep the manufacture of weapons going. Increasing the demand and consumption of these raw materials and components increases the production of them in these regions, which in turn maintains and expands the military-industrial complexes of the kuffār. Reducing the demand and consumption of them leads to a reduction in the production and supply of them in these regions as well. This leads to the materials and components becoming a lot more expensive, which would then have a chain effect of reducing the supply of weapons produced by the enemies of Allāh and harming their military-industrial complexes. Importing weapons from the enemies of Allāh also feeds the growth of their arms industries and military-industrial complexes, because consumption is a form of investment in a business that grants it more profit and allows it to use that profit to expand. This is why the US wants to revise the Westphalian nation-state system to make it legal to violate the sovereignty of other nations in order to protect “human rights”, prevent genocide, etc.; they need to justify interfering in the affairs of countries where armed groups that reject the US-led international order and regularly violate “human rights” because of their lack of access to high-tech weapons that can easily avoid collateral damage operate. They need to eliminate threats to their global hegemony.
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‎When men voted in democratic elections in the past, they also voted on behalf of their families as their representatives. Women’s suffrage changed that; men were no longer representatives of their families and both men and women voted as individuals representing themselves alone. ‎In the past, men were expected to vote while keeping the interests of their families in mind. Now, however, men vote only with their selfish interests in mind. ‎Because women can now vote and their husbands no longer vote while having their interests in mind, they are encouraged to become more political and form their own opinions that are independent of the opinions of their husbands. This created conflicts within families. ‎Thus, women’s suffrage made families less relevant and helped develop an individualist mentality that gradually moved people away from familial relationships and values. ‎I previously wrote about the need for nation-states to concentrate an increasing amount of power in their hands as technology develops and populations grow in order to preserve the centralisation of power. The introduction of universal suffrage was part of the process of making people more dependent on the state by loosening familial and communal bonds, strengthening the state’s power. ‎In an Islāmic polity, known as khilāfah, the masses don’t have the right to vote; people of power and influence who have integrity, are righteous, and possess the capability to select the right candidate come together and appoint the khalīfah. These people include tribal leaders who represent their tribes, governors who represent the towns they govern, leaders of the mujāhidīn who represent the mujāhidīn, etc. ‎In such a society, communal identities and relationships are strengthened. Local communities and their leaders are more relevant, and if a good khalīfah is appointed, people will be grateful to be led by good community leaders and be more willing to obey them. This prevents a high concentration of power by the khilāfah. ‎The fact community leaders who take part in the process of appointing the khalīfah are representatives of the people brings together members of local communities as they discuss their collective interests and grievances and present them to their leaders. This further strengthens communities. ‎This is yet another problem with Muslims who believe in participating in democratic systems; the more they encourage people to vote — whether it’s for an “Islāmist” party or a secularist who’s a “lesser of two evils” — the more they reinforce the liberal-individualist intellectual invasion of the ummah. ‎Many contemporary Islāmic movements afflicted by modernist ideas like Jamā`ah al-Islāmiyyah and Ḥizbut-Taḥrīr are rather fascinated by the concept of universal suffrage invented by the West, so they co-opted the idea and invented “Islāmic democracy”, pretending that universal suffrage was something that has existed in the Islāmic tradition since the time of the Ṣaḥābah رضي الله عنهم. ‎Universal suffrage is a law of the ṭāghūt and cannot be separated from its liberal-individualist philosophical foundations. Because of the harm it brings to the social fabric of the ummah, it’s necessary to establish the ḥujjah against those who call for it and make takfīr of and forcefully silence them if necessary.
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‎This means that mujāhidīn must stick to Islāmic laws of warfare in battle and disobey any command that necessitates disobedience to Allāh ﷻ. This prevents a lot of unnecessary cruelty in warfare and its legitimisation — something that can’t be said for the secular nation-state.
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‎To most people, Islām seems more violent than the West. But this is only because of the existing power imbalance. ‎One of the legal duties of a citizen is that he has to take up arms and be prepared to sacrifice his life for the sake of the nation-state if the state calls upon him to do so. This isn’t a choice for the vast majority of people who are assigned citizenship of a particular country at birth. ‎The reason why most countries in the West don’t enact conscription is because it’s not necessary. They already have dozens of national militaries of puppet states fighting to protect their imperialist interests, which are vital to the preservation of their informal economies, on their behalf. Their colonial ambitions that started with Columbus and continue to this day also allowed them to develop military technology that minimises the need for men to fight on the battlefield. These countries, however, do reserve the right to enact conscription. ‎Jihād is farḍ `ayn in this day and age because we’re in an exceptional situation where there aren’t enough mujāhidīn to repel the kuffār and their puppet apostates occupying the lands of the Muslims. The existing power imbalance also forces the mujāhidīn to resort to asymmetric warfare, which requires constant recruitment from the local population. ‎Imām Ibn `Abidīn al-Ḥanafī رحمه الله said: ‎“[Jihād is] farḍ `ayn when the enemy has attacked any of the Islāmic heartland, at which point it becomes farḍ `ayn on those close to the enemy. As for those beyond them, at some distance from the enemy, it is farḍ kifāyah for them unless they are needed. The need arises when those close to the enemy fail to counter the enemy, or if they do not fail but are negligent and fail to perform jihād. In that case, it becomes obligatory on those around them - farḍ `ayn, just like prayer and fasting, and they may not abandon it. [The circle of people on whom jihād is farḍ `ayn expands] until in this way, it becomes compulsory on the entire people of Islām, of the West and the East.” ‎📚 Ad-Durr al-Mukhtār, 3/238 ‎If Islām returns to a position of strength and dominance, the rulings would be different. In such a situation, there would be a lot fewer attacks on and occupation of Muslim lands, and there would be enough men to fight them off without jihād becoming farḍ on the entire ummah. In this situation, most jihād would be farḍ kifāyah and impermissible without the permission of one’s parents and creditor. ‎If Muslims manage to liberate the lands of the Muslims and unite them, seize kāfir trade routes passing through Muslim lands and waters, deny the kuffār access to our markets, labour, and natural resources, and conquer other lands like those in Africa that provide the West with cheap raw materials, it would put the kuffār in a dire situation. ‎The loss of puppet national militaries to fight on their behalf along with the loss of raw materials and foreign markets to keep the production of many of their military technologies up would result in the need for them to enact conscription and draft people to fight the Islāmic project and put down growing domestic opposition to Western governments due to economic hardship and the inability of Western states to continue centralising power. ‎Their current system of mass incarceration would become unsustainable as the necessary wealth required to fund it is lost, forcing the kuffār to return to corporal and capital punishment. ‎Modern nation-states in the West have a monopoly on the use of legitimate violence, which means that they would resort to very cruel and harsh measures to preserve their authority and maintain law and order. ‎An Islāmic leadership, on the other hand, is bound by the sharī`ah and cannot command any act of violence that contravenes it. If the imām commands something in disobedience to Allāh ﷻ, he must not be obeyed. If he replaces the sharī`ah with man-made law, he loses his right to rule and must be removed if possible.
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The centralised state requires a greater concentration of power as new technology develops and the population grows. For example, the rise of the internet opened up new avenues for people to challenge the power of the state. A growing population means that the state has to build more institutions to keep people dependent on it. The first step towards the centralisation of power that accompanied Europe’s transition to industrial capitalism was the replacement of the feudal and other traditional social systems with nation-states. This had the effect of replacing the power of the aristocracy, religious institutions, and tribes with the power of the state. The growing need for greater centralisation of power and increased state funding for it as technology developed and as populations grew resulted in the rise of liberalism and feminism, which got more extreme as time progressed in order to accompany the ever-expanding need for greater concentration of power. The feminist movement started by demanding women’s suffrage, which transformed society from one where men were seen as representatives of their families to one where individuals were the centre of attention. It then progressed to encouraging and pressuring women to join the workforce, which further weakened the family unit, increased state revenue, and made people more dependent on the state. They then called for the legalisation of zinā’, contraception, abortion, and now homosexuality — which even further advanced the weakening of the family, increase of state revenue, and intensification of people’s dependence on the state. Many feminists are even calling for the abolition of the family unit altogether.
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‎Prior to the emergence of the centralised state, rulers didn’t have a whole lot of control of their territories. This was especially the case in massive empires that were quite difficult to govern. So often a vassal ruler, tribe, tribe, town, or village would give their allegiance to the ruler and maybe pay him an annual tribute and largely govern themselves. ‎These vassals, tribes, towns, villages, etc. usually had their own armed forces separate from their ruler’s armed forces in order to protect themselves from their enemies and advance their interests. ‎Establishing a monopoly over the legitimate use of violence is essential for the maintenance of the structures and institutions that make up the modern state because the state has to ensure that it can centralise and concentrate power in its hands. ‎In order to do this and prevent the emergence of powerful armed factions that can establish institutions to rival the power and influence of the state and its institutions, the state has to make sure that it’s able to set up legal boundaries determining when, where, and how people can legitimately use violence. ‎The problem is that establishing a monopoly over the legitimate use of violence is shirk in legislation, because it gives the state the authority to delegitimise acts of violence that are made obligatory by Allāh ﷻ, such as jihād, the ḥudūd, executing the blasphemer, etc. ‎This is contrary to Islāmic law, where the legitimacy of the government depends on it upholding obligations of the sharī`ah like jihād and the ḥudūd and where these obligations remain even if the government disapproves of them. An Islāmic government has no right to delegitimise any act of violence that is made obligatory by Allāh ﷻ. ‎Shaykhu’l-Islām Ibn Taymiyyah رحمه الله said: ‎“Therefore, any group that abstains from some of the obligatory prayers or the fast [of Ramaḍān] or the Ḥajj, or resists abiding by the prohibition regarding blood, wealth, alcohol, adultery, gambling, and incest, or from adherence to jihād against the kuffār or taking jizyah from the people of the Book, and other obligations and prohibitions of the dīn no one has any excuse to deny and leave, and where one who rejects their obligatory status disbelieves, then the resisting group (aṭ-ṭā’ifah al-mumtani`ah) is fought on account of it, even if it acknowledges it. And regarding this, I do not know of any disagreement amongst the scholars.” ‎📚 Majmū` al-Fatāwā, 28/544-551 ‎Ibn Qudāmah al-Maqdisī رحمه الله said: ‎“The responsibility of jihād rests on the discretion of the imām (i.e. leader of the Muslims). Thus his flock (i.e. the Muslims he is responsible for) should obey him in whatever his opinion is regarding this issue [of jihād] […]. However, if the imām is absent the jihād is not subject to delay, as its benefits will be lost with postponement. [In such an eventuality] if ghanīmah is taken, it should be distributed in accordance with the sharī`ah.” ‎📚 Al-Mughnī, 9/202 ‎Another scenario where jihād becomes obligatory even without the permission of the imām is defensive jihād. ‎Shaykhu’l-Islām Ibn Taymiyyah رحمه الله said: ‎“If the enemy enters a Muslim land, there is no doubt that it is obligatory for the closest and then the next closest to repel him, because the Muslim lands are like one land. It is obligatory to march to the territory even without the permission of parents or creditors, and narrations reported by Aḥmad are clear on this.” ‎📚 Al-Fatāwā al-Kubrā, 4/608 ‎These aḥkām on jihād are important when it comes to this topic because people must be ready to wage defensive jihād and even offensive jihād in case the imām and his army fail to wage it. However, having a centralised state that has a monopoly over the legitimate use of violence renders it extremely difficult and in most cases impossible to wage jihād independently of the state.
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All praise belongs to Allah, the Most High and Exalted. We have finished translating a beautiful and very beneficial treatise on the Virtues of Jihād and Shuhadā'. What distinguishes it from other works on this topic is the author’s effort to append to the verses and Aḥādīth the explanations of classical scholars. Alhamdulillah there is a lot of benefit in it. May Allah allow the Muslims to benefit from it. t.me/al_mansurah
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Industrialisation and the urbanisation that accompanies it necessarily weaken the family unit and discourage marriage and having children. In the past, it was within one’s economic interests to get married and have many children, as people worked on farmland in rural areas and more children meant more labour. The lack of age pensions and nursing homes also meant that old people needed their offspring to take care of them. The high population density in cities makes spacious homes more scarce, and since there’s a high demand for them, they’ve become expensive to rent or purchase. This discourages people from having too many children. Unlike in rural areas, family members usually don’t share businesses and work together in urban cities; rather, both parents in a nuclear family go to work in separate, often freemixed workplaces and the state takes care of their children. This weakens family bonds and causes conflict with families. This is why it’s no longer within people’s interests to get married and start families; it’s now much more economically efficient to just have temporary ḥarām relationships with no responsibilities and abandon the idea of raising children altogether.
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Housewives are economic producers just like working women; they replace teachers, maids, nurses, etc. The problem is that the modern liberal state doesn’t consider housewives economic producers because don’t pay taxes. The state encourages women to be “productive” (by entering the formal workforce) because it needs to collect additional taxes to strengthen its control over society by increasing funding for its military and security apparatuses and implementing social security programs. Women who seek to join the formal workforce also need to attend state-controlled social engineering (educational) institutions and place their children under the care of the state.
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The complete absence of a nation-state’s authority and the presence of an ungovernable environment is preferable to order and stability under a secular nation-state. Disunited militias with low-tech weapons and equipment are easier to fight than a standing national army with a centralised command structure. The absence of people’s dependence on the state to protect and provide for them, along with the absence of a security apparatus that keeps an eye on them, makes people more willing and able to support efforts to re-establish sharī`ah. In Islām, obedience is only due to the imām of the Muslims (the khalīfah), obedience to any other authority is limited and conditional on the presence of a genuine need to obey them. The absence of this need invalidates the obligation of obedience.
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It’s important to recognise that the right to protest is used by ṭāghūt governments to promote the idea that we can resolve political disagreements through peaceful means rather than violence. It allows the government to make minor concessions to calm the people while preserving the fundamental power structures of the state. Muslims should not view protesting as a method of restoring Islāmic rule or bringing about fundamental changes to government policy; this mentality is a mere distraction from the true method of bringing change: jihād fī sabīlillāh. However, there’s no harm in protesting to reduce oppression and grant the Muslims some of their Islāmic rights, or to pave the way for jihād. The Damascus Spring of 1421 AH led to the release of some “Islāmist” prisoners, and the Arab Spring led to jihād in Libya and Syria. It also eased the situation of “Islāmists” in Egypt and Tunisia. Oppressive governments likely won’t heed the demands of protesters, but unheeded demands can lead to sit-ins that disrupt the functioning of day-to-day life, which leads to increasing frustration and resentment towards the government when left undealt. Protests and sit-ins can inspire the rest of the people to also protest, join sit-ins and release their frustration towards the state that they’ve been repressing for so long. This can have a chain effect where protests become transnational, which was what happened during the Arab Spring. This was made possible by protesters sharing their activities online as well as media coverage. “Islāmist” demonstrators can use online and media attention to spread their message. Even if an ongoing revolution doesn’t have an explicitly Islāmic character with a clear Islāmic goal, people can form groups of protesters that do have an Islāmic character and goal. One way of using protests as a form of da`wah Muslims should pay more attention to is organising our protests in a way that reflects the political order we wish to replace the secular state with. Many left-wing protesters in the past organised their demonstrations according to the principles of decentralisation and direct democracy. Muslims can organise their demonstrations following the principles of shūrā. If the state gives in to our demands for minor but still meaningful changes, such as the release of Muslim prisoners, it’ll reduce some of the oppression against the ummah. If it doesn’t and turns to violence to crack down on protesters instead, it could incite the people to take up arms and even perhaps wage jihād against the government. The other effect a violent crackdown on protesters has is increasing the people’s barā’ from the state. If a violent crackdown fails to incite jihād or armed conflict, it would still increase resentment towards the ṭawāghīt in power and fuel a future uprising.
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Hard power is the ability to get others to do what you want through threats and coercion. Soft power is the ability to get others to do what you want through other means like attraction, persuasion, or shaping their mentality. Making people in Muslim countries obsessed with professional sports is one of the ways in which the US exercises soft power. Although many famous athletes are not American, many other famous ones are, especially basketball players. These celebrity athletes promote the so-called “American dream”. The US intentionally keeps Muslim countries drowning in socio-economic woes by destabilising them, installing and protecting corrupt and incompetent secularist dictators, exploiting their wealth, labour, and natural resources, pushing them into debt, attacking the value of their currencies, etc. While this is happening, celebrities share their luxurious and “free” lives on social media for millions of Muslims to watch. Furthermore, the US has a monopoly over the supply of sports movies in foreign markets, and getting people to watch these movies by first making them passionate about professional sports is another way of selling the “American dream”. This has the effect of stimulating the migration of wealthy and talented individuals from Muslim countries to the US, strengthening its economy and war effort while draining Muslim countries of the wealth and knowledge they need to compete with “developed” countries and opt out of the state of economic enslavement. This isn’t limited to professional sports, the kuffār also attract immigration through other types of movies, YouTube, music, etc. This is why many anti-Western countries ban Western movies and websites like YouTube, and it’s also why Western countries are so annoyed about it and consider it a violation of “human rights”.
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The legitimacy of a democratically elected government is based on it fulfilling its obligation to uphold law and order; if it fails to do this, government officials can be impeached and the ruling party would quickly be voted out of power in the next election. This is why any democratic “Islāmist” party that forms a government would either have to wage war on Islām and its people or lose power and legitimacy. If an “Islāmist” government is formed and it allows other “Islāmists” to form gatherings and give da`wah, they would inspire enthusiastic Muslims to establish Islāmic emirates rule by sharī`ah in rural areas, attack the security and military apparatuses of the state, disrupt the functioning of secular universities, spill wine in bars and liquor stores, perform sit-ins, etc. These are all acts that are legitimate under sharī`ah but directly oppose the law of secular democratic states, which means that an “Islāmist” government of a secular democratic state is obligated to crack down on them. Failure to do so entails the delegitimisation of the government and its swift removal. The governments of Muḥammad Mursī in Egypt and an-Nahḍah in Tunisia faced a lot of legitimacy problems precisely because of their lack of action against “Islāmists” who were enjoining good and forbidding evil from an Islāmic perspective. The delegitimisation of these governments from a democratic perspective was a huge part of what led to them losing power.
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Many Muslims have a problem with resistance and revolution because they are mainly associated with leftist ideologies and denote a cause to be “liberated” from established institutions, norms, and values. I can see where they’re coming from, but such an understanding of resistance and revolution has to be challenged because resistance and revolution are only tied to rebellion against established institutions, norms, and values in certain (mostly European) contexts. In the Islāmic world, resistance and revolution were and still are often tied to efforts to rebel against an authority that tries to impose institutions, norms, and values that are contrary to traditional institutions, norms, and values that have been established in society for centuries.
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‎Ibn Qudāmah al-Maqdisī رحمه الله said: ‎“The responsibility of jihād rests on the discretion of the imām (i.e. leader of the Muslims). Thus his flock (i.e. the Muslims he is responsible for) should obey him in whatever his opinion is regarding this issue [of jihād] […]. However, if the imām is absent the jihād is not subject to delay, as its benefits will be lost with postponement. [In such an eventuality] if ghanīmah is taken, it should be distributed in accordance with the sharī`ah.” ‎📚 Al-Mughnī, 9/202
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When you speak to liberals and secularists, it’s usual to hear them appeal to “common sense” in order to justify their positions. What it basically means is that the values they’re arguing for are almost unanimously accepted by secular liberal society and they can’t conceive the idea that someone could argue against them. Developing this sort of uniformity in values is ironically necessary in a democracy, which is supposedly based on political pluralism. A democratic government consists of different political parties with different ideologies, so passing laws and policies is often a long and difficult process that requires many compromises and creates a lot of social tension. If democracy was genuinely pluralistic, this process would be even more inefficient and unstable. To make things more efficient and stable, the democratic state has to build a level of ideological uniformity among politicians and the people of society at large while at the same time creating an illusion of political pluralism. This is done by state legislation and policies increasing state control over formal education, health services, and other institutions that can be used to ideologically influence the people. For example, government control over social welfare makes the people more likely to support the ruling party and its ideology. Once a government has influenced the vast majority of the people to accept certain ideological values, it can claim that these values are fundamental values of the society it governs that cannot be violated by even democratic decision-making. It justifies this by saying these values represent “the will of the people”. For example, the constitution of a democratic state may claim that democracy itself is a core value of the society it presides over and that any individual or party that opposes democracy needs to be excluded from the democratic process, as they violate this state-manufactured “will of the people”. In the United States, one of the “fundamental values” that cannot be opposed by any democratic decision-making is freedom of speech, which is enshrined in the US Constitution. The constitution of a democratic state is often the document that determines which values are to be considered fundamental values that cannot be opposed even by democratic choice.
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Along with attacking the value of our currencies and imposing neocolonial policies on us, the kuffār prop up oppressive, corrupt, and incompetent dictators in Muslim countries so that they can keep us perpetually weak and dependent on them. The oppression of these dictators destabilises Muslim countries by increasing and radicalising political opposition, and their corruption and incompetence lead to economic hardship that encourages people to migrate to the West if have the opportunity to. The people who can afford to leave aren’t only rich people but also talented people recruited from schools by offering them scholarships. By the time they’ve finished their studies in the West, they can find employment opportunities there that they would take because life in their own countries has become so unbearable. This has a double effect: it 1) raises production and consumption in the West and increases government revenue by generating more taxes, and 2) drains Muslim countries of rich and talented people who could’ve benefited their own countries’ economies and people. Raising production and consumption levels in the West increases its ideological influence and soft power in Muslim countries, because people living under the liberal world order associate success and good governance with material prosperity and economic “development”. This is crucial for their war effort against Islām, Muslims, and the mujāhidīn, especially when an Islāmic insurgency relies on popular support for success. Western governments use the new taxes they’ve generated to increase their military spending and promote kufr Muslim lands. They also use them to implement more social welfare programs, which further increases their soft power and makes living in the West even more attractive to people from Muslim countries. Now I have two questions: 1. When propping up these dictators is so crucial to maintaining the neocolonial relationship Muslim countries have with the kuffār, can we really say obeying them is necessary to preserve the five things the sharī`ah has come to protect (dīn, life, `aql, lineage/honour, and wealth)? 2. When encouraging immigration to the West is so crucial to not only maintaining the aforementioned neocolonial relationship but also the war on Islām and Muslims, can we really say living there is permissible even if Muslims “can manifest their religion”?
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The kuffār of Europe encourage Muslim immigration because they have declining birth rates and need producers to produce commodities and consumers to generate enough demand to satisfy the supply of commodities, maintaining their industrial economies and feeding their growth. They also need these immigrants to increase taxes. Increasing efforts to integrate Muslim immigrants into the predominant kāfir society of Europe (pushing them into kufr) is a necessary part of this process a rise in the population of unintegrated Muslims feeds the rise of the far-right, who can use their growing influence in government to limit immigration or even deport immigrants. This counters the idea that the West allows Muslims to fully manifest their religion and we are thus allowed to live there. And if immigration is deliberately promoted to strengthen the enemies of Allāh, which classical faqīh would’ve allowed us to live in the West?
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If there’s a professional boxer who’s first place and undefeated in the ring, it might be very difficult to seize his position fighting him, but it is easier to expose his misdeeds or character assassinate him so that he would be fired from his job. The same thing goes for combating US hegemony in the international system; it’s very difficult to militarily destroy its global hegemony, but it’s much easier to expose its evil and delegitimise its global hegemony. The more legitimate US hegemony is, the more international actors would be willing to comply with it; the more illegitimate it is, the more they’d be willing to challenge it. Delegitimising it is much easier and less risky when it’s accompanied by a reduction in the concentration of power in the hands of the United States. This de-concentration of power allows emerging international actors critical of US hegemony to place checks on the US’ actions and decisions, making it less able to act swiftly to eliminate those who try to delegitimise it. We are today witnessing a decline in US power and influence, as emerging powers like Russia and China are becoming increasingly successful at delegitimising US hegemony among “developing” nations and presenting alternatives to it. The declining demand for the US dollar and the presentation of an alternative currency for international trade by China is especially important. As the global demand for dollars and US Treasury bonds decreases, the more devalued the dollar becomes and the more expensive interest rates in the US become, making US military spending more costly, increasing US government debt, and weakening the dollar’s position as the international exchange and reserve currency. The mujāhidīn can capitalise on this situation by making the American people lose more trust in their government to protect them and pulling the US into more wars that force them to increase the supply of the dollar and go into more debt. As the US engages in more interventionist wars, delegitimisation of US hegemony expands. Ikhwānīs and other Islāmic movements that seek to participate in the US-led liberal international order and demand further rights, power, and influence for Muslims from within the system and its moral and legal framework threaten genuine efforts to challenge American hegemony and the liberal international order by strengthening the legitimacy of the liberal international order. I recently read a statement from the Egyptian Ikhwān talking about the importance of preserving Egypt’s sovereignty in the face of increasing Zionist aggression in Ghazzah. This is a good example of how they strengthen the legitimacy of the current international order. Think of the civil rights movement in America. The civil rights movement tried to challenge the status quo by calling for more rights for Blacks, but they justified their efforts by saying that the US government is not truly democratic as long as it discriminates against Blacks and must therefore reflect American values more closely by granting them equal political rights. The civil rights movement was also nonviolent and stressed the importance of adhering to the law. So while the civil rights movement challenged the status quo, it also strengthened it by stressing the importance of adhering to American democracy and obeying the law. The Ikhwān are doing a similar thing, because the concept of national sovereignty is as fundamental to the preservation of the liberal international order as democracy is to the preservation of the status quo in the US. Some argue that we should work within the liberal international order, increase our power and influence within it, and eventually destroy it. It’s not possible because the kuffār in charge of the liberal international order would never allow a Muslim country to gain the level of military and economic strength to be able to do that, but even if it were, it would necessitate compromising on the fundamentals of Islām (apostasy).
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Pushing women into the formal workforce makes Muslims even more dependent on the technologies of the kuffār, or at least the resources, components, and knowledge to manufacture such technologies that can only be gained by accessing markets controlled by the liberal international order. When women spend their whole day at work, they are too stressed and tired to do too much housework and won’t have the time for it anyway. This makes them rely on washing machines, dishwashers, vacuum cleaners, and other technologies. Women who stay at home have more free time for housework and often do housework to avoid boredom, so they’re much less reliant on technology.
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The genocide of Ghazzah reminds me a lot of the genocide of Bosnia; in fact, the situation is just history repeating itself. One was committed by nationalist Christian fanatics, and the other by nationalist Jewish fanatics. Both groups were/are open about the fact their war was/is a religious one aimed at destroying Islām and its people. The UN and the West abandoned Ghazzah and left its people to die at the hands of our enemies, just as they did in Bosnia. Yet many Muslims still don’t learn, they try to appeal to the same kuffār who leave us be slaughtered by saying Palestine isn’t a religious conflict but rather a national liberation one. They still put their hope in democratic elections, the UN, and international law to stop the genocide in Ghazzah. May Allāh have mercy on the people of Ghazzah.
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Some thoughts on Muslim approaches to international trade and the IEA’s policies towards China: Although Muslim countries’ dependence on imports for food is often artificially manufactured by neocolonial policies, it’s still true that in some countries like Afghānistān, there is a lack of arable land and a genuine need to rely on international trade for food. In such a situation, it’s better for the IEA to pursue economic relations with China to feed its population than with the US and its puppets and allies, because China seeks to undermine the US-led liberal international order and weaken it. However, our ultimate aim is Muslim unity, and the more the mujāhidīn take over territories with arable land and natural resources in high demand by the international community, the easier it would be for us to become self-sufficient and the more other countries, specifically rogue states and those that seek to undermine US global hegemony, would be willing to trade with us. I’m not a fan of the way the IEA is building relations with China, but an argument can be made that a lot of what they’re doing is out of necessity. Such a relationship would be more problematic if the IEA was unwilling to unite with other Muslim lands and eventually eliminate the need for it to be dependent on imports, but statements from their leaders do indicate that they have a global project.
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Attempting to “catch up” to the West and eventually overturn the secular world order necessitates going down the Ikhwānī route of participating in secular systems and committing all sorts of kufr and ḥarām to (supposedly) gradually reach the desired outcome. China, a country many people look up to as an example of how a “developing” country can “catch up” to the West and become a great power, is a good example of this. After the communist revolution that overthrew the nationalist government of Chiang Kai-shek, China was internationally isolated and the communist government based in Beijing was unrecognised by most of the world, despite controlling every part of China except Taiwan. China remained an impoverished and isolated nation — save for support from the Soviet Union and its allies and puppets — until the 1970s. When Mao Zedong died and Deng Xiaoping took over leadership of China, he decided that China had to become a full, participating member of the liberal international order. Deng Xiaoping normalised Chinese relations with the US, and the US put a lot of economic aid into China to help it develop. US policy towards China aimed to do three things: contain the influence of the Soviet Union in the aftermath of the Sino-Soviet Split, convince Chiba to stop exporting revolution, and reduce poverty. Within a few years, international recognition of China switched from Taipei to Beijing, China joined the UN and neoliberal economic institutions like the WTO, IMF, and World Bank, and it also became a market economy. There’s a lot of talk about growing Chinese power in the international system, but this growth was enabled by the Chinese government abandoning its principles and joining the liberal world order. This growth is also done within the framework of the existing international order. For example, China has been pressuring the US to grant it a greater level of influence in neoliberal intergovernmental institutions like the IMF, and the US makes concessions to China because Chinese economic power would allow it to build alternative intergovernmental institutions that can rival US-dominated ones. China has already constructed such institutions, but giving concessions to China means that the construction process would not be accelerated. Even in the case of the institutions and projects China has built to rival US-dominated ones, they follow the same neoliberal model as the US-dominated institutions, in complete contrast with the communist ideology the Chinese government claims to uphold. For example, the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank and the Belt and Road Initiative highly resemble the way the IMF functions. Even if China manages to usurp America’s position as the global leader, it would have to keep the neoliberal institutions it has built/usurped to maintain its global hegemony. Now, it’s highly likely that China would make many changes to the international order if it reaches global leadership, but many of the essential features of the current liberal international order would remain. The sharī`ah is so antithetical to the liberal world order that if a unified Muslim polity were to take China’s place, it would not be able to maintain its international standing except through kufr. The same thing that results from trying to establish sharī`ah via democracy also results from trying to become dominant over the kuffār by following their trajectory of economic “development”. You’ll just end up resembling them and adopting their religion, and you’d be unable to actually reach your original goal because trying to do so would entail giving up the power and influence you’ve obtained.
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السلفي الضعيف في الفقه "المخصص في العقيدة والمنهج" كثيرا يختلط بين مسائل اعتقادية ومسائل فقهية، ولا سيما في ما يتعلق بالجهاد والسياسة، فيظنّ أنّ مواثيق الحاكم المسلم منعقد في كل الأحوال ولا يجوز لأحد الرعية الخروج عنهم وأنّ طاعة الحاكم واستأذانه يشترطان في الجهاد مطلقا وأنّ كل هذه مسائل داخلة تحت (لا يجوز الخروج على طاعة حاكم مسلم) فالمخالف مبتدع خارج عن منهج السلف ولا يعلم أنّ العلماء السابقين قد تكلموا في كتبهم الفقهية عن حكم الغزو (أي جهاد الطلب) بلا إذن الحاكم المسلم، متى يحرم ومتى يكره ومتى يباح، متى يحرم طاعة الحاكم ومتى يجب، وشروط صحة العهد وما يفسده ويجعله غير لازم، وغير ذلك مما في الحقيقة يدخل في المسائل الفقهية الاجتهادية فالأمر، بخلاف ما يظن، ليس متوقف دائما على إسلام الحاكم وعدمه، وقد يكون الخروج للجهاد بلا إذنه جائز والطاعة له حرام وعهده مع دولة كافرة باطل غير لازم على أحد ومع ذلك كله الحاكم مسلم لا يُكفّر ولا يُقتل
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‎ Secondly, the implementation of sharī`ah requires opting out of the ribā-based global fiat monetary system where national currencies are pegged to the US dollar and where the dollar dominates the world as the international exchange and reserve currency. Thirdly, the implementation of sharī`ah requires a foreign policy of continuously waging jihād to make the word of Allāh supreme, which directly threatens international order and warrants the intervention of a UN Security Council-approved international military coalition. To take over leadership of a nation-state and convert it to an Islāmic state is a practical impossibility, because the hardship that would result from it would force a compromise on the level of tawḥīd and the implementation of sharī`ah. If this fails, the leadership can be overthrown due to mounting domestic and international tensions. This isn’t only a refutation of those who say we should try to implement sharī`ah through democracy, but it’s also a refutation of those who say we should advise the rulers until we can convince them to implement sharī`ah, launch a military coup, or do a peaceful march to power like Mussolini’s March on Rome. The only solution to implement sharī`ah is to, through jihād fī sabīlillāh, eliminate the very foundations of the nation-state and build a new political-socio-economic order above its ruins. This is why instability in Muslim lands is preferable to stability, for instability weakens the strength and legitimacy of the nation-state. Ultimately, a state of anarchy and the complete absence of the nation-state is the ideal environment for an Islāmic order to rise.
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‎Inheriting leadership of a nation-state means inheriting the relationships of dependence the nation-state has with the liberal international order. ‎For example, the various nation-states in the Muslim world operate with fiat currencies that are pegged to the US dollar, which means that they need to purchase dollars as time goes on in order to buy up their local currencies and reduce their supply, thereby increasing their value. ‎Many Muslim-majority nation-states also have export-focused economies where they prioritise exporting raw materials to foreign markets over producing consumable commodities for local consumption. Hence, they’re largely dependent on imports to fulfil local needs. ‎Their national security is dependent on the recognition of their sovereignty by foreign state actors, especially superpowers and/or great powers like the United States. It’s also dependent on warm relations with these actors. ‎Inheriting leadership of a nation-state also entails inheriting norms, treaties, conventions, and the institutional setups that bind the nation-state to the liberal world order and serve its interests. ‎In society, individuals who deviate from social norms or laws are punished either formally by the state or informally by society (think of bullying, being isolated from others, being given weird stares, etc.). ‎In the liberal international order, nation-states that deviate from the norms, treaties, conventions, and institutional setups that bind them to the international order are likewise punished by the international order. ‎If the government of a Muslim-majority nation-state becomes too rebellious against the liberal international order and violates the norms, treaties, conventions, and institutional setups that bind it to that international order, the US and other countries in its circle of allies with “hard” currencies can buy up a large amount of that nation-state’s “soft” currency over an extended period and then when the time is right, dump all that brought-up money on the currency market, creating inflation. ‎When this happens, imports become more expensive (remember when I said many Muslim countries are largely dependent on imports to fulfil local consumer demand), which creates social tension and threatens the security of the government. ‎In order to re-stabilise their currency, the government can strike a deal with the IMF, which would offer them a loan of US dollars that can ease the financial crisis. But this loan comes with “conditionalities” that make the said nation-state even more dependent on the liberal international order and eliminate its rebellious tendencies. ‎A nation-state can’t afford to truly oppose the liberal international order and the countries that lead it if its economy depends on exports to foreign markets controlled by countries that belong to the international order, as this results in sanctions, reduced trade, or even the closing of certain trade routes. ‎The removal of international recognition for a Muslim-majority nation-state, especially major powers like the US, can be detrimental to its security, for other countries can invade it without fearing an international backlash against them. The ceasing of much of the nation-state’s imports of arms and military equipment from countries like the United States can also have a detrimental effect on the strength and capacities of its military. ‎The implementation of sharī`ah requires outright nullifying a whole bunch of norms, treaties, conventions, and institutional setups that bind the nation-state to the liberal international order; in fact, it requires abolishing the whole structure of the nation-state and its philosophical foundations altogether. ‎Firstly, the implementation of sharī`ah requires revoking recognition of the sovereignty of every state, for the Westphalian concept of state sovereignty makes the nation-state a partner with Allāh ﷻ in His Sovereignty and right of legislation.
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One of the deceptions of secularism is creating a separation between religious knowledge and “secular” knowledge. This idea is absent in Islāmic history and theology, for knowledge of “worldly” sciences can be part of the dīn and directly benefit knowledge of `aqīdah, fiqh, etc. ‎Imām al-Ghazālī رحمه الله believed that learning medicine is farḍ kifāyah, which makes it an act of worship like praying and fasting. ‎With knowledge of medicine, one can help preserve the lives and minds of the Muslims, which is another act of worship. ‎It can also benefit knowledge of fiqh because a mujtahid would be able to understand certain medicines and medical practices and pass fatāwā regarding them. ‎Islām is a religion that encompasses all aspects of our lives, and failure to recognise this is a form of secularism. This is one of the aspects of what I call “Madkhalī secularism”; they discourage knowledge of politics and other “worldly” sciences because they think it distracts one from Islāmic knowledge. They’ve failed to recognise how knowledge of politics, economics, finance, medicine, etc. can all be a part and parcel of Islāmic knowledge.
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“Every Zionist on the land of Palestine is a muḥārib. The muḥārib, or the muḥārib in fiqhī terminology, is not the one who draws his weapon and fights you. The kuffār are divided into categories: musta’man (the one with a guarantee of security), mu`āhid (the one under a treaty), dhimmī (the one who pays the jizyah), and ḥarbī (a warring kāfir with no protection). Anyone who’s neither a dhimmī, nor a mu`āhid, nor a musta’man, is a muḥārib. This is the first. Secondly: Every [Zionist] on the land of Palestine is a muḥārib in reality, not just by this terminology, meaning that they’re a usurper of land. This land is not theirs in the first place; rather, they are a usurper of it. This includes men, women, the elderly, and those secluded in their places of worship, whether they are genuinely secluded or not (if this is a matter of fact, not just their claim). Their mere presence, even if they’ve never raised a weapon in their life, makes them a muḥārib who can be k****d because they are usurpers. Adding to this is the fact that conscription is obligatory and that they are all soldiers. Their reserves — both men and women — are required to serve from the age of 18, 24 months for women and three years for men. Only students of yeshivas and religious schools are exempted from this. This is only theoretical, for each other who’s completed their service among them is called up for a month every year until they reach the age of 43. Since 2008, exemptions from the reserves can be granted every month. Therefore, any speech about civilians and innocents (Israelis) is the speech of ignorant donkeys or treacherous mules! Don’t think too highly about this case, for there’s nothing clearer than this, and most of those who use this speech are [treacherous] mules, not [ignorant] donkeys.” ✍️ Shaykh Kamāl al-Marzūqī al-Mālikī حفظه الله
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⚠️ For Educational purpose only! • Are they innocent civilians that shouldn't be k*lled??? Abdul Malik al-Alwān (son of Shaykh Sulayman al-Alwan) said: "My father was asked about the correctness of the statement that k*lling civilians in occupied Isr@el is forbidden, He answered: 'This statement has no basis in jurisprudence and does not stem from any origin. In occupied Palestine, there are no J3ws who should be leave off whether male or female, they are all trained military personnel prepared to f*ght Muslims in Palestine whenever they are asked to do so. They have usurped Muslim land, and this makes their bl**d and wealth permissible. Three characteristics have combined in them, making their bl**d and wealth permissible: (1) Usurping Muslim territories, even if it is done by Muslim and he enters in your house to usurp it or to take your money then it's permissible for you to be@t him and expel in the best way possible, if we can't expel him easily then killing him is permissible and there is no sin or expiation. (2) k*lling of Muslims by them, (3) Their Kufr(disbelief). Every K*fir who does not pay the jizyah to Muslims and has no treaty with us,then he is at war with us, and their bl**d and wealth are permissible.'.." [عبد الملك العلوان | 📚 الجواهر الحسان]
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Fatwā of Shaykh al-Islām Ibn Taymiyyah رحمه الله: On the Obligation of Fighting Parties that Abandon Sharī'ah, Like the Tatars. Very relevant to situation today, Shaykh al-Islām remarks in end: This path lies between the way of the Hurooriyyah and their likes, who follow destructive chaos due to a lack of knowledge, and the way of the Murjiah and their likes, who obey the rulers unconditionally, even when those rulers are neither righteous nor just.
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In order to understand how so many international laws, especially those that have to do with “human rights”, so nicely serve the interests of the West, it’s important to understand how these laws came about in the first place. The International Law Commission is made up of 34 secular-liberal ṭawāghīt. Their job is to promote the development of international law and its codification. International law topics are either chosen by the commission or the UN General Assembly, which then refers them to the commission. When the International Law Commission completes a draft on a particular topic, the General Assembly would sometimes hold a meeting of diplomats working on behalf of sovereign states who would convert the draft into a formal convention. Countries can then “voluntarily” ratify the convention, making themselves bound to implement it. The founders of the United Nations designed it so that non-governmental organisations (NGOs) can play an influential role in the decisions made by the organisation. The problem is that many NGOs receive grants from the US and other Western governments, so they end up promoting laws and values regarding “human rights”, “gender equality”, etc. that serve American and Western political-economic interests. NGOs influence the decisions of UN member-states through various means like influencing and mobilising the general populace to pressure their governments to support something, lobbying governments, publicising information, and “naming and shaming”. If a population relies on NGOs for food, education, healthcare, etc., the threat of withdrawal of these NGOs from operation in their country can also act as leverage over states. This influence is crucial for influencing the development, codification, ratification, and enforcement of UN conventions that make up a large part of international law. The influence of NGOs can be seen in the development of the Convention on the Rights of the Child, the Convention against Torture, and the Rights of Persons with Disability Convention. The 1998 Rome Statute negotiations which established the International Criminal Court is another good example of the influence of NGOs in UN decision-making, as 236 NGOs were involved in influencing the negotiations and the content of the treaty.
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If you look at the way Europe and America historically industrialised and “developed”, it’s clear that it was only possible because of the high centralisation and concentration of power and control over global trade networks. Prior to industrialisation, trade was largely done on domestic and regional levels. This began to change when the Europeans managed to colonise large swathes of land in the Americas, largely due to inter-European wars feeding the development of military technology, tactics, and standing armies. This gave them access to resources they required to industrialise. Industrialisation gave them access to technologies like trains, the railway, steamships, and the telegraph, which enabled them to trade at longer distances in significantly shorter periods and with larger volumes of goods being transported. It also gave them access to more advanced military technology, allowing them to colonise even more land and coercively take control of international trade. Taking control of global trade and foreign markets allowed them to create a colonial relationship with Asian and African nations, de-industrialising their economies and hampering “development”. Over time, the local production of manufactured products and technologies in Asia was significantly reduced, and Europe came to take over the dominance of the production of the aforementioned commodities and technologies from Asia. Asian and African nations were forced to export their raw materials to Europe and import manufactured goods from Europe. European states banned or levied high tariffs on manufactured goods like textiles, guns, and ships from Asia. Additionally, the sheer volume of manufactured products industrialisation — fueled by colonialism and imperialism — was able to produce, along with the fact that European goods manufactured using industrial machinery were much “better” versions of the ones locally produced in Asia, helped drive down the demand for, and thus also the supply and production of, locally manufactured goods and technologies. In order to develop the necessary military power and popular support for colonising so many lands and exerting control over the global economy, the centralisation of power, nationalism and racism were necessary. The centralisation of power allowed European states to develop unified standing armies loyal to the centralised state, which didn’t previously exist under the feudal order. Nationalism was necessary to rally popular support for the expansion of empire, and racism was necessary to justify colonialism, as the Europeans claimed that non-European races were biologically inferior. In order to lift their status, they claimed it was necessary to impose European rule over their lands and export “civilisation” to them. If this process was necessary for America and Europe to reach the level of “development” it’s at today, then it’s clear that Muslims cannot “catch up” to them, both because we lack the global power and influence they had and because the process they went through included imposing a bunch of beliefs and structural changes that are explicitly prohibited in our religion. This isn’t to say that we shouldn’t pursue technological advancement; we can and should develop technology, but it must be done in a way that works within the bounds of the sharī`ah and prioritises Islāmic considerations above material ones.
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“Muslims” like Imrān Ḥusayn who support China against the Uyghurs for unprincipled “anti-imperialist” purposes fail to realise that as long as China has an export-focused economy, especially with the US as a major trade partner, it’s going to be dependent on the US and benefit it. China having an export-focused economy means that it needs to keep its currency weak, as that keeps the demand for its goods up. To do this, China prints yuan and sells it to the currency market in exchange for US dollars. This increases the supply of the yuan and increases the demand for US dollars, weakening the yuan and strengthening the dollar. The dollar having such a high value in comparison with other countries is necessary for it to maintain its position as the dominant global exchange and reserve currency, as countries with weaker currencies depend on it to keep their local currencies pegged to the dollar by using US dollars in their reserves to purchase their local currencies and reduce their supply. Moreover, China seeks to profit from the dollars that they’ve purchased, so they use the dollars that they’ve purchased to buy US Treasury bonds. This reduces the demand for these bonds and decreases interest rates, allowing the American government to borrow more money and pay less debt.
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Fiat currency derives its value from people demanding it to satisfy their needs and wants. Moving away from dependence on fiat currency, even if only partially, can harm the enemies of Allāh and contribute towards the end of the fiat-based global system of enslavement. The more people turn to alternatives like gifting, charity, abstaining from excessive consumption, barter trading, and cryptocurrencies, the less people would want fiat money. The ṭawāghīt need to keep printing and increasing the supply of fiat money because they rely on it to purchase weapons from arms manufacturers to arm their military and security apparatuses and aid their allies like the Zionist entity. They also need it to preserve and expand their control over the people they rule over by building schools, hospitals, and social welfare programs. They won’t go with the flow and use alternatives to fiat money like others because sticking to the fiat monetary system is how they stay in power. US global dominance survives on most of the world’s fiat currencies being pegged to the US dollar and the ṭawāghīt of other countries want to avoid being eliminated or isolated from the “benefits” of having access to markets controlled by the liberal international economic order. By reducing our demand for fiat money, the inflation and currency devaluation resulting from the ṭawāghīt increasing its supply would be higher. This means the fiat prices of goods and services and government expenditures would increase, creating more societal pressure on ṭāghūt governments, making it harder for them to increase their power and grant subsidies to the enemies of Allāh like the Zionist entity, and encouraging more people to turn to alternatives to fiat money.
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The ease of printing money in a fiat monetary system leads to ever-increasing inflation. As inflation increases, living costs also increase. When this happens, the masses of workers demand higher wages and pressure politicians to increase the minimum wage, which they will do in a democracy in order to gain votes. Although employers will make more money from the increased prices of goods and services, they will also have to spend more money on rent, electricity and water bills, their personal living expenses, etc. Since they cannot afford to pay the extra wages, they’d have to fire workers or shut down, leading to increased unemployment. Increased unemployment along with the fact that money has less purchasing power as inflation increases means that people will consume less in the market, which leads to even less production and more businesses shutting down, creating more unemployment and less consumption. It’s a vicious cycle.
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The feminisation of men is the latest in a long list of historical processes to increase the centralisation of power in the hands of the state. Weak men are less capable of protecting and providing for themselves and their families, and women are naturally weaker than men. This gives the state justification to impose higher taxes to purchase technology to arm the police force and increase the power of and people’s dependence on the police. Additional taxes would also be required to build social welfare programs to provide for men who can’t provide for themselves and families who don’t have men to provide for them. These programs then compete with traditions and institutions that provide for the people independently of the state on an unequal footing, leading people to become more dependent on the state and to the state becoming more powerful and influential. This is why there’s such a great effort in public educational institutions to push for homosexuality and the feminisation of boys and men.
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There’s hardly any democratic state today that doesn’t have policies like the minimum wage, price fixing, taxation, universal healthcare and education, and state-controlled social welfare. That’s because democracy is an authoritarian system that gives an unprecedented amount of power to the state; the only difference is that you get to choose which parties/politicians you want to represent the state. Life is difficult for most people, and in a democracy, politicians simply make promises that sound good to most people in order to gain votes. So they keep giving people “benefits” like the minimum wage, price fixing, universal healthcare and education, social welfare, etc. Levying high tax rates can be justified in order to implement all these policies. This, of course, increases the power and influence of the state. More taxes allow the state to spend more money on expanding its power; and public education, healthcare, and welfare take over traditions and institutions that provide for the people independently of the state, such as charity, gifting, taking care of parents, homeschooling, traditional medicine, and caring for the ill. Traditions and state-independent institutions can’t compete with state-controlled programs because people would be less willing to spend their time helping others in the presence of an overarching state that already does that job and because the state has a lot more wealth to spend on providing for people. In the UK, we have a universal healthcare system called the National Health Service, and not even the conservative Tories are willing to suggest abolishing it. In the US, no Republican government has attempted to abolish the federal minimum wage.
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Establishing a hierarchical society is necessary because the people need a common identity to unite under and maintain social cohesion. This common identity cannot be established except through hierarchy, as humankind is too diverse to build a common identity around. Under khilāfah, people are unified under the identity of Islām and those who don’t fall into this identity are given an inferior status. Under the liberal nationalist state that prevails today, people are unified under the identity of their nationality and those who don’t fall into this identity are given an inferior status. Under khilāfah, the kāfir is a dhimmī, mu`āhid, or slave. Under the liberal nationalist state, the one who doesn’t share the nationality of the majority of people that make up the nation the state represents is a non-citizen who doesn’t even have a say in the politics of the country they live in, despite being affected by state policy. Every attempt to establish an egalitarian society has been a cover to replace the existing hierarchy or strengthen the existing one. The communist revolution in Russia was the replacement of a hierarchy where aristocrats were dominant with a hierarchy where the socialist state was dominant. The state is a type of hierarchical order, and every attempt by the state to make society more egalitarian has resulted in the further destruction of traditional hierarchies and the strengthening of the state. An example of this is the liberal nationalist state’s war on the family via “women’s emancipation” in order to strengthen the power and influence of the state. The establishment of democracy was also the replacement of one hierarchy with another. Democracy can only emerge through a war on a traditional socioeconomic order and the destruction of traditional institutions like tribes and families that protect and provide for the people and give them a sense of belonging to a community. This strengthens the dominance of the state, as the people would turn to the state to protect and provide for them. The hierarchical structure of nationalism is likewise necessary for a democracy, not only because the people need a new identity to unite under and maintain social cohesion in the absence of traditional social institutions but also because people need to be encouraged to vote in the interests of society at large instead of just themselves even when those traditional social institutions no longer exist. Furthermore, political parties in a democracy compete with each other in elections by promising the masses more economic benefits than their opponents. Democratic governments establish a slave class they can exploit to seize the wealth necessary to fulfil their promises and feed the whims of the masses. In the ancient Athenian democracy, they had a literal slave class living in Greece whose members weren’t citizens with the right to vote. Today, the slave class is established on nationalist lines where democracies enslave other countries through the process of neocolonialism. This is also another way democracy leads to the hierarchical order known as the state; people become more and more dependent on the state as the state continuously provides them with economic benefits.
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The neocolonial relationship many “developing” countries — including Muslim ones — have with the kāfir West means that the West depends on them for a stable supply of raw materials and stable markets to sell their goods. These are essential to sustaining the industrial economies of the West. The presence of war within and between the West’s various colonies often disrupts the supply of raw materials and the functioning of markets. This is one of the reasons why the kuffār of the West designed international law to make it very difficult to legally wage war. International law prohibits the targeting of “civilians” and even any attack on military targets that are expected to result in collateral damage against “civilians”. To give this moral legitimacy in the eyes of Muslims, they’ve also trained treacherous “scholars” to propagate this heretical belief to Muslims by misrepresenting Islāmic law and texts. However, the West and its puppets and allies can still wage wars that are within Western interests without being subject to any penalty by the international community if they break international law, because the US, Britain, and France are permanent UN Security Council members and can veto any proposed resolution to punish violators of international law that work to advance their interests. When it comes to warring factions that oppose Western interests on the other hand, the violation of international law on their part gives moral and legal justifications for the West to intervene in their conflicts and attempt to eliminate them. It also discredits and delegitimises their cause in the eyes of people who are mentally colonised by international law. Jihād is the only path to our liberation and the reunification of Muslim lands, but following international law to the letter makes it extremely difficult for us to wage jihād and puts us at a massive disadvantage. This is especially the case when we consider the fact our enemies are the West and its puppets and allies who break international law on a daily basis. The sharī`ah permits the targeting of any adult male who fights and anyone else who provides material or moral support to those who fight. Many jurists also permit the targeting of any adult male who is merely capable of fighting and the Shāfi`ī school permits the targeting of any adult male in general. If there are non-combatants like women and children among the enemy, then striking the enemy is not prohibited due to that even if it would certainly lead to the deaths of those women and children, as prohibiting it would lead to the suspension of jihād. In modern warfare, striking economic targets like the means of production that supply steel and aluminium can be crucial to reducing the supply of materials and components that are used in the production of weapons and military equipment at a time when they’re in high demand. Likewise, striking transport infrastructure is very useful to reduce the supply of these materials and components as well as weapons and equipment. It’s also necessary to hinder the movement of soldiers and their aides. Financial targets like banks lend loans to governments, who use the money to fund their military and security apparatuses. They also keep economic life bearable, and their collapse often leads to financial crises that affect everyone (like the 1482 AH financial crisis). Other civil infrastructures like those that supply food, water, and electricity also keep life bearable and uphold the morale of enemy combatants by providing for their needs and wants. This keeps a population, including soldiers and their aides, in support of their government’s war effort. Some scholars say that conducting operations that will lead to collateral damage is only permitted out of necessity. But striking civil infrastructure is often a necessity especially in this day and age when different industries across the world — including the arms industry — are so interdependent.
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It’s not just limited to this, however, because it’s necessary to have access to resources, components, and markets under the control of the liberal international order to even be able to fight a war without carrying out operations that are likely to result in collateral damage on “civilians”. The US manufactures high-tech weapons that can attack specific targets while avoiding or minimising collateral damage and then equips its military and the militaries of its allies and puppets — such as the Zionist entity — with them. Ironically, it manages to obtain the materials, components, and markets to continue manufacturing them through brutal imperialism that has resulted in millions of deaths both directly through killing and indirectly through neocolonial economic policies. Of course, it’s possible to capture these weapons from the enemy on the battlefield. But it’s not possible to have a consistent supply of them except by accepting the liberal international order and often also by befriending the worst enemies of Islām. Apart from granting legitimacy to the Pax-Americana by accepting and participating in the liberal international order, purchasing the raw materials and components necessary to manufacture them expands the arms industries of the kuffār. Certain regions of the world specialise in the production and supply of raw materials and components that the arms industry highly depends on to keep the manufacture of weapons going. Increasing the demand and consumption of these raw materials and components increases the production of them in these regions, which in turn maintains and expands the military-industrial complexes of the kuffār. Reducing the demand and consumption of them leads to a reduction in the production and supply of them in these regions as well. This leads to the materials and components becoming a lot more expensive, which would then have a chain effect of reducing the supply of weapons produced by the enemies of Allāh and harming their military-industrial complexes. Importing weapons from the enemies of Allāh also feeds the growth of their arms industries and military-industrial complexes, because consumption is a form of investment in a business that grants it more profit and allows it to use that profit to expand. This is why the US wants to revise the Westphalian nation-state system to make it legal to violate the sovereignty of other nations in order to protect “human rights”, prevent genocide, etc.; they need to justify interfering in the affairs of countries where armed groups that reject the US-led international order and regularly violate “human rights” because of their lack of access to high-tech weapons that can easily avoid collateral damage operate. They need to eliminate threats to their global hegemony.
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‎When men voted in democratic elections in the past, they also voted on behalf of their families as their representatives. Women’s suffrage changed that; men were no longer representatives of their families and both men and women voted as individuals representing themselves alone. ‎In the past, men were expected to vote while keeping the interests of their families in mind. Now, however, men vote only with their selfish interests in mind. ‎Because women can now vote and their husbands no longer vote while having their interests in mind, they are encouraged to become more political and form their own opinions that are independent of the opinions of their husbands. This created conflicts within families. ‎Thus, women’s suffrage made families less relevant and helped develop an individualist mentality that gradually moved people away from familial relationships and values. ‎I previously wrote about the need for nation-states to concentrate an increasing amount of power in their hands as technology develops and populations grow in order to preserve the centralisation of power. The introduction of universal suffrage was part of the process of making people more dependent on the state by loosening familial and communal bonds, strengthening the state’s power. ‎In an Islāmic polity, known as khilāfah, the masses don’t have the right to vote; people of power and influence who have integrity, are righteous, and possess the capability to select the right candidate come together and appoint the khalīfah. These people include tribal leaders who represent their tribes, governors who represent the towns they govern, leaders of the mujāhidīn who represent the mujāhidīn, etc. ‎In such a society, communal identities and relationships are strengthened. Local communities and their leaders are more relevant, and if a good khalīfah is appointed, people will be grateful to be led by good community leaders and be more willing to obey them. This prevents a high concentration of power by the khilāfah. ‎The fact community leaders who take part in the process of appointing the khalīfah are representatives of the people brings together members of local communities as they discuss their collective interests and grievances and present them to their leaders. This further strengthens communities. ‎This is yet another problem with Muslims who believe in participating in democratic systems; the more they encourage people to vote — whether it’s for an “Islāmist” party or a secularist who’s a “lesser of two evils” — the more they reinforce the liberal-individualist intellectual invasion of the ummah. ‎Many contemporary Islāmic movements afflicted by modernist ideas like Jamā`ah al-Islāmiyyah and Ḥizbut-Taḥrīr are rather fascinated by the concept of universal suffrage invented by the West, so they co-opted the idea and invented “Islāmic democracy”, pretending that universal suffrage was something that has existed in the Islāmic tradition since the time of the Ṣaḥābah رضي الله عنهم. ‎Universal suffrage is a law of the ṭāghūt and cannot be separated from its liberal-individualist philosophical foundations. Because of the harm it brings to the social fabric of the ummah, it’s necessary to establish the ḥujjah against those who call for it and make takfīr of and forcefully silence them if necessary.
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‎This means that mujāhidīn must stick to Islāmic laws of warfare in battle and disobey any command that necessitates disobedience to Allāh ﷻ. This prevents a lot of unnecessary cruelty in warfare and its legitimisation — something that can’t be said for the secular nation-state.
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‎To most people, Islām seems more violent than the West. But this is only because of the existing power imbalance. ‎One of the legal duties of a citizen is that he has to take up arms and be prepared to sacrifice his life for the sake of the nation-state if the state calls upon him to do so. This isn’t a choice for the vast majority of people who are assigned citizenship of a particular country at birth. ‎The reason why most countries in the West don’t enact conscription is because it’s not necessary. They already have dozens of national militaries of puppet states fighting to protect their imperialist interests, which are vital to the preservation of their informal economies, on their behalf. Their colonial ambitions that started with Columbus and continue to this day also allowed them to develop military technology that minimises the need for men to fight on the battlefield. These countries, however, do reserve the right to enact conscription. ‎Jihād is farḍ `ayn in this day and age because we’re in an exceptional situation where there aren’t enough mujāhidīn to repel the kuffār and their puppet apostates occupying the lands of the Muslims. The existing power imbalance also forces the mujāhidīn to resort to asymmetric warfare, which requires constant recruitment from the local population. ‎Imām Ibn `Abidīn al-Ḥanafī رحمه الله said: ‎“[Jihād is] farḍ `ayn when the enemy has attacked any of the Islāmic heartland, at which point it becomes farḍ `ayn on those close to the enemy. As for those beyond them, at some distance from the enemy, it is farḍ kifāyah for them unless they are needed. The need arises when those close to the enemy fail to counter the enemy, or if they do not fail but are negligent and fail to perform jihād. In that case, it becomes obligatory on those around them - farḍ `ayn, just like prayer and fasting, and they may not abandon it. [The circle of people on whom jihād is farḍ `ayn expands] until in this way, it becomes compulsory on the entire people of Islām, of the West and the East.” ‎📚 Ad-Durr al-Mukhtār, 3/238 ‎If Islām returns to a position of strength and dominance, the rulings would be different. In such a situation, there would be a lot fewer attacks on and occupation of Muslim lands, and there would be enough men to fight them off without jihād becoming farḍ on the entire ummah. In this situation, most jihād would be farḍ kifāyah and impermissible without the permission of one’s parents and creditor. ‎If Muslims manage to liberate the lands of the Muslims and unite them, seize kāfir trade routes passing through Muslim lands and waters, deny the kuffār access to our markets, labour, and natural resources, and conquer other lands like those in Africa that provide the West with cheap raw materials, it would put the kuffār in a dire situation. ‎The loss of puppet national militaries to fight on their behalf along with the loss of raw materials and foreign markets to keep the production of many of their military technologies up would result in the need for them to enact conscription and draft people to fight the Islāmic project and put down growing domestic opposition to Western governments due to economic hardship and the inability of Western states to continue centralising power. ‎Their current system of mass incarceration would become unsustainable as the necessary wealth required to fund it is lost, forcing the kuffār to return to corporal and capital punishment. ‎Modern nation-states in the West have a monopoly on the use of legitimate violence, which means that they would resort to very cruel and harsh measures to preserve their authority and maintain law and order. ‎An Islāmic leadership, on the other hand, is bound by the sharī`ah and cannot command any act of violence that contravenes it. If the imām commands something in disobedience to Allāh ﷻ, he must not be obeyed. If he replaces the sharī`ah with man-made law, he loses his right to rule and must be removed if possible.
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