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Comments to the post above:
- 1000% agreed. You can easily make out the difference between scholars who have a strong grounding in Islamic history and those who do not. History teaches critical thinking and an appreciation for nuance that simply isn't found by studying other subjects.
- I fear that someone reading this will interpret it as "memorising history". Like "how many wives did Anas bin Malik have?" Like seriously? Is that what studying history is for? It's not a Hifz class.
- Can you suggest a curriculum for someone who wants to pursue a study of Islamic history? Perhaps a series of books?
- One can start by approaching historiography and philology... that's a study into the sources for various types of history/histories. For example, what do we know about the sirah and where do we get our sirah data from? What sources are they? Which ones are in print and which ones are not? What are the strength and weaknesses of each work etc. Like this we also have various perspectives and approaches to history. An awareness to this is a must.
- Mawlana Uwais, JZK. Great insights. I'll just add: I think it's more important the reading be more goal/research oriented than simply having a reading list. For example, if I'm seeking to deepen my understanding of Fiqh/Usul, I want to understand the history of the development of Fiqh/Usul, so I would seek out works related to that area. It might be fine to start off with one of the many (fairly standard) works on History of Fiqh published under titles like تاريخ التشريع but then I'd want to move on to primary sources, and good research papers. Each new reading should open up new horizons and new questions which would lead me to look for sources and research papers that may shed light on that problem. This is a good work to familiarize yourself with: https://archive.org/details/TheNewCambridgeHistoryOfIslamVolume1. It's a survey of Islamic history. It will give you a good overview of the state of Western research on Islamic history as well as sources to dig deeper. It would be a good idea to peruse the six volumes to familiarise yourself so that you can always return to it when needed.
- On a serious note though, how can a more historical methodology be fostered at the pedagogical level? I don't know about Jami'aat, but contextualisation is hardly, if ever, focused on in Dar 'l-Ulums. Ideas are looked at as if they occurred in a vaccuum. For one, there is not much time in the curriculum to add modules for history or historical studies. Also, I really liked this article. Many Ideas are applicable across the board, not just to philosophy. https://www.historyofphilosophy.net/rules-history-philosophy
- Ismail Ibrahim lol Isma'il, Shibli Nu'mani lamented this a good century ago. Saif Ul Hadi 's been asking me to write something on this topic, is this good enough for you?
- Lol. I thought you had forgotten, Shaykh! This is a good start, but I think the topic requires a more detailed treatment with examples to highlight how people are the primary link between us and the Ulum as they were transmitted, and understanding their historical and social contexts as well as biases is a key condition for understanding and appreciating the diversity in the Ulum. Also, like Sh Salman Awan said, the history of the Ulum themselves, why and how they were organized, and their evolution over centuries deserves attention. I think all of this together provides the answers for why we study what we study, and what we should be hoping to achieve out of it all. In some ways, this is what one expects of Madhkal books, but rarely finds in them.
- What's most interesting is the development of aqeedah as a function of history. Too often, we seem to feel that aqeedah is a science strictly derived from texts. But in reality it has been shaped by politics, inter-scholastic polemics, and other arguments which developed over the centuries.
- While not strictly on aqeedah, Dr Ovamir Anjum's book is quite the eye-opener on this subject: Politics, Law, and Community in Islamic Thought: The Taymiyyan Moment
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Problems with the Ahistorical Approach to Islamic Studies
An ahistorical approach to Islamic studies produces half-baked knowledge—a form of dangerous knowledge.
One of its most damaging manifestations is back-projection: the imposition of one’s own views, or those of later scholars, onto earlier authorities. Earlier scholars were not thinking as we do today. They operated within entirely different paradigms, intellectual frameworks, and socio-political circumstances. They were not speaking from a vacuum.
A second consequence is entrenched sectarianism, which ignores how complex and fractured the so-called “golden eras” of various sects actually were. These periods were not marked by uniformity or harmony. Disputes, disagreements, and rivalries were common, and to imagine otherwise is to indulge in myth-making rather than history.
A third problem is the squandering of intellectual energy on relatively trivial matters—the marginal 10% of embellishments—at the expense of understanding knowledge as part of a broader tradition, narrative, and historical trajectory. One may memorise all seventeen ḥurūf al-jarr (some of which are themselves disputed), yet remain oblivious to the long-term impact of the Basran, Kufan, Andalusian, and Baghdadi grammatical schools, or to the existence of scholars who bridged these traditions and the historical reasons such syntheses emerged.
No genuine specialisation in any discipline is possible without a deep understanding of its history.
Unfortunately, most of our institutions do not facilitate serious historical study. Weakness in Muslim historical consciousness is endemic—across sects, regions, and disciplines. Ashʿarīs, Ḥanbalīs, Māturīdīs, Salafīs, Ikhwānīs, Deobandīs, Barelwīs; Saudi history, Indo-Pak-Bangla history, North African history, Persian history; students of Muṣṭalaḥ, Fiqh, Uṣūl, ʿAqīdah, Tafsīr; Ottoman, Abbasid, Umayyad, and Mughal history—no one is exempt.
Non-Sunni histories—such as the Fatimid and Safavid—are often entirely ignored. Colonialism, occupation, and post-Caliphate histories are sidelined, despite their critical importance. History did not begin at the Cave of Ḥirāʾ, nor did it end in 1923. Nor is history confined to the Muslim world alone.
To be blunt, later Muslim scholarly tradition—barring notable exceptions—became overly focused on the letter of the texts. Contextualisation and narrative development were largely taken for granted. While the tradition produced works on Tārīkh, Rijāl, and Ṭabaqāt, these genres often remained disconnected from the core disciplines. Little meaningful integration of historical analysis occurred.
Like it or not, Orientalism stepped in to fill this vast intellectual void. Although its analyses were frequently flawed and ideologically driven, Muslim traditionalists largely confined themselves to reactive criticism rather than proactive scholarship. They refuted from the sidelines instead of taking the initiative.
History matters. It is the substance of civilisation itself. Within it lie the lessons that explain how we arrived where we are. Over time, historical study reveals patterns, continuities, and structural links that explain shared traits and recurring trends. To carry history in one’s mind is to weaponise knowledge. History humanises the past: it rescues earlier scholars from being elevated into demigods or angels and restores them as real people shaped by real circumstances. It disciplines both praise and critique, fostering balance and intellectual humility. And, quite simply, connecting historical dots is intellectually exhilarating.
Remedies for the Ahistorical Approach in Islamic Studies
History must be embedded as a core module within all Islamic sciences and also taught as a compulsory discipline in its own right.
Historical study requires enthusiasm—something that must be cultivated by both students and teachers.
The study of Ibn Khaldūn should be mandatory, without exception.
Scholars and students must read beyond their own traditions, including serious engagement with Orientalist scholarship.
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Which Country, Geography, or Race Produces the “Best” Muslim Scholars — or Is the Question Itself Wrong?
No body of Muslim scholars deserves elevation over another on the basis of geography or race. It should be a conscious principle for every Muslim to hold scholars of all regions and ethnicities on an equal pedestal, affording them equal respect. This applies especially to scholars one has not personally studied under. While students naturally develop attachment to their teachers, such bias should not become a norm or a creed.
Personally, I have not studied under the scholarly traditions of North Africa, Turkey, Yemen, the Levant, Central Asia, and many other regions. However, I have made it a deliberate aim never to allow personal sentiment to convince me that they are inferior to Indian or Hijazi scholars, under whom I have studied briefly. And with Allah alone is tawfīq.
Beyond racial bias and alma mater bias, there are generally two assumptions that give rise to a sense of scholarly superiority.
1. The Assumption of Greater Adherence to the Sunnah
Some believe that scholars from certain regions are closer to the Sunnah than others. The reality, however, is that scholars from every geography have shortcomings that others may not. Superiority, therefore, cannot be claimed.
If one finds the absence of beards among some Egyptian scholars deeply objectionable, then Indo-Pak scholars are hardly blameless when it comes to the widespread consumption or permissibility of paan. And if one objects to Turkish scholars’ tolerance of questionable Sufi practices, then Saudi scholars are not beyond criticism in their relationship with political authority — speaking generally.
2. The Assumption of Greater Scholarly Contribution
Others argue that certain regions have produced more academic works or played a greater role in preserving specific Islamic sciences. This, too, is a flawed conclusion.
Scholars respond to the intellectual and religious challenges of their time and place. The preservation of the Sunnah may have been a hallmark of the Maghrib and al-Andalus centuries ago, while today it is a focal concern in Najd. Likewise, advanced fiqh discourse once flourished most prominently in Central Asia, whereas that mantle is now largely carried by scholars of the Subcontinent.
A Needed Perspective for Our Time
Especially in our era — an age of global interconnectedness — the ulama are the ulama: the heirs of the Prophets. Just as we do not appoint ourselves judges over the Prophets or weigh their respective missions, we should not compare scholars or rank them against one another, even subconsciously.
This message is directed equally at laypeople.
They have no standing whatsoever to claim that “my scholars,” defined by ethnicity, geography, or background, are superior to the rest of the Muslim world’s scholars. Whether one is a prawn-guzzling Deobandi or a shimāgh-wearing Salafi, one is in no position to issue sweeping verdicts about the superiority of Subcontinent or Saudi scholars over Caucasian or Sub-Saharan scholars. Most people know nothing of the latter, their service to Islam, or the challenges they face. Such preferences are arbitrary and best left unspoken.
They are all our scholars. They deserve the same respect we show to those closest to us. If we truly seek a revival of global unity, we must abandon the habit of dividing Muslim scholarship along racial or geographical lines — divisions born not of knowledge, but of bias, sentiment, and false claims of superiority.
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[i] The Comprehensive Refutation On The One Who Believed That The One Naming Ibn Taymiyyah as the Shaykh of Islam is a Disbeliever.
[ii] Authored by Ibn Nasir 'l-Din al-Dimashqi al-Shafi`i, died 842 A.H.
[iii] Pp. 84-89, Matba`at Kurdistan al-`Ilmiyyah, 1329 A.H.
[iv] This work in translation was submitted through two stages. The first entailed translation of equivalence, so to preserve the original Arabic meanings as much as possible. The second was a smoothing out for the purposes of the English language. Some minor additions and omissions have been made in an effort to clarify the text and keep the sentences flowing. My thanks go to the editor for his painstaking work in editing this translation, may Allah bless him with the good of this world and the next.
[v] Defined as “a worm that lives in dung and nourishes on dung.” (See p. 11, bit.ly/17Njw30 – retrieved 8/9/13).
[vi] i.e. the Tabi`un.
[vii] See the Quran, 113:5.
[viii] A Shafi`i, died 727 A.H., a year before Ibn Taymiyyah.
[ix] Al-`Ayni slightly digresses by expounding on the biography of Ibn 'l-Zimlikani here, which we have omitted as it does not serve the purpose of this extract.
[x] Died 741 A.H. In his book on history, Ibn Kathir states under the year’s entry writes that there was not a funeral in Damascus like his since the funeral of Ibn Taymiyyah.
[xi] `Abd 'llah bin `Abd 'l-Halim. Died 727 A.H., a year before his brother.
[xii] One of the several historical gates of Damascus.
[xiii] Al-`Ayni omitted the following couplets here:
واقضى نحبا وليس له قرين *** ولا لنظيره لف القماط
فتى في علمه أضحى فريدا *** وحل المشكلات به يناط
وكان إلى التقى يدعو البرايا *** وينهى فرقة فسقوا ولاطوا
وكان الجن تفرق من سطاه *** بوعظ للقلوب هو السياط
[xiv] i.e. the Prophet, peace be upon him.
[xv] Possibly in reference to three-year boycott faced by the Family of Hashim in Makkah during the earlier years of prophethood; or the affair faced by Husayn bin `Ali – may Allah be pleased with him – at Karbala.
[xvi] Al-`Ayni omitted the following couplets here:
بنو تيمية كانوا فبانوا *** نجوم العلم أدركها انهباط
ولكن يا ندامة حابسيه *** فشك الشرك كان به يماط
ويا فرح اليهود بما فعلتم *** فإن الضد يعجبه الخباط
ألم يك فيكم رجل رشيد *** يرى سجن الإمام فيستشاط
[xvii] By Najm 'l-Din al-Qazwini, died 665 A.H.
[xviii] The Arabic grammarian, exegete, author on canonical Quranic recitations, Zahiri-turned-Shafi`i Grenadian scholar. Died 745 A.H.
[xix] i.e. Abu Bakr al-Siddiq.
[xx] In reference to the Apostasy Wars after the demise of the Prophet, peace be upon him.
[xxi] The Quran, 57:4.
[xxii] The Quran, 42:11.
[xxiii] The Quran, 20:5.
[xxiv] The famous Hanafi scholar of Egypt, author of `Umdat 'l-Qari and many other works. Died 855 A.H.
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How great is what the grave has embraced, And how great what its stones have covered. They envied him for virtues they could not attain, So they schemed against him, burning with rage. They were idle when it came to emulating him, Yet energetic in harming him. To imprison a pearl within a shell is its honour, And for the Shaykh, prison itself was delight. […]This Imam Zayn al-Dīn was profoundly knowledgeable and a master of the sciences, excelling in both prose and poetry. He authored fine compositions and elegant verses and was an authority in Arabic. He served as lecturer, repeater, and legal authority, and authored beneficial works, including versifying Al-Ḥāwī al-Ṣaghīr [xvii]. He died in Aleppo in 749 AH. Athīr al-Dīn Abū Ḥayyān [xviii]—may Allah Most High have mercy on him—said regarding Ibn Taymiyyah:
Ibn Taymiyyah rose to defend the Law, As the leader of Taym rose when Muḍar transgressed. He unveiled truth when its signs had faded, And extinguished evil when its sparks flared. We spoke of an Imam who would one day come— You are the long-awaited Imam.When a scholar of Abū Ḥayyān’s stature bears witness that Ibn Taymiyyah was the defender of the Law, the champion of truth, and the extinguished of evil—and that he was the awaited Imam—this testimony alone suffices as praise. With such testimony from leading scholars, what remains for those who accuse him of heresy or disbelief? Such accusations stem only from a fool, an ignoramus, or a buffoon. All such accusations are among the corruptions of this era, arising from political negligence in upholding justice and restraining schemers—allowing even the most ignorant pretender to dishonour the scholars of Islam. Despite his immense scholarly contributions, numerous miracles are reported from Ibn Taymiyyah by large numbers of people. Among these were his immediate, decisive answers to the most difficult questions. Once, while advising a large gathering, he was asked about someone who claimed, “There is nothing but Allah,” and “Allah is in every place.” Would this constitute disbelief or faith? Ibn Taymiyyah replied instantly: “Whoever claims that Allah is in every place with His Essence has opposed the Qurʾān, the Sunnah, and the consensus of Muslims—and indeed of all three religions. Rather, the Creator, exalted and Most High, is distinct from creation. Nothing of creation is in His Essence, nor is His Essence in creation. The Companions, the Followers, the Four Imams, and all the Imams of religion agreed that Allah’s statement, ‘He is with you wherever you are’ [xxi], means by His knowledge, power, and oversight—not by indwelling or mixture. He is exalted above resemblance: ‘There is nothing like unto Him, and He is the All-Hearing, the All-Seeing’ [xxii]. Allah is described only as He described Himself, without modality, corporealism, distortion, or negation. The path of the Salaf is affirmation without anthropomorphism and transcendence without denial.” Imam Mālik—may Allah be pleased with him—was asked about Allah’s statement, “The Most Merciful rose over the Throne” [xxiii]. He replied: “Rising is known. Its modality is unknown. Belief in it is obligatory. Asking about it is an innovation.” This was Imam Ibn Taymiyyah. This response accords precisely with his theology and biography. How then can those who follow his theology be accused of pantheism, corporealism, or similar deviations? May Allah protect us from deviation and corruption, and guide us to righteousness. He is fully capable of all things and worthy of acceptance. Composed by one who relies upon his Independent Lord, Abū Muḥammad Maḥmūd b. Aḥmad al-ʿAynī [xxiv] 18/03/835 AH, Cairo
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Momentous events and remarkable occasions testify in his favour, while he abstained from the firewood of the lowly world. His legacy includes celebrated works and flawless legal verdicts.
Ibn al-Zimlikānī [viii]—may Allah have mercy on him—wrote the following quatrain regarding a work of Ibn Taymiyyah:
How can the chroniclers describe him When his attributes surpass all enumeration? He is Allah’s conclusive proof, The wonder of the age among us. […]Is the testimony of such a scholar not sufficient for Ibn Taymiyyah? He described him as Allah’s proof in Islam and affirmed that his praiseworthy qualities are beyond enumeration. Given this, how could it be impermissible to call Ibn Taymiyyah Shaykh al-Islām or to employ this honorific when mentioning him? What weight does the disparagement of a stubborn, scheming, jealous person hold? What proof could such an openly ignorant and arrogant individual present, knowing that the term shaykh carries both linguistic and technical meanings? Linguistically, it refers to one in whom old age has become manifest; technically, to one under whom studentship is accredited. Both apply to Imam Ibn Taymiyyah beyond doubt. He was the teacher of numerous eminent scholars and renowned jurists. Thus, how could he not be called Shaykh al-Islām? Whoever is the shaykh of the Muslims is, by extension, the shaykh of Islam. The chief judges, eminent scholars, and pillars of Islam explicitly used this title for him, as recorded by the author of Al-Radd al-Wāfir. This book is truly original. With this testimony, there is no need to repeat further praise. Whoever reads the book may reflect upon it; whoever examines it may accept its conclusions. As for the controversies surrounding the Imam, they were many and occurred in numerous gatherings. Setting aside the entrenched maladies born of enmity, it is evident that no clear proof ever emerged supporting the claims of his opponents. The most that occurred was his unjust imprisonment—something that does not constitute a flaw in his character. Many of the greatest Followers and Imams were imprisoned, killed, or humiliated. Imam Abū Ḥanīfah—may Allah be pleased with him—was imprisoned and died in custody; yet no scholar claims this was justified. Imam Aḥmad was imprisoned for speaking the truth. Imam Mālik was flogged. Imam al-Shāfiʿī was transported in chains from Yemen to Baghdad. It is therefore unsurprising that Ibn Taymiyyah experienced similar trials. Ibn Taymiyyah’s final imprisonment was in the Citadel of Damascus. He passed away during the last third of the night on the 20th of Dhū al-Qaʿdah, 728 AH, shortly before dawn, after an illness lasting seventeen days. He was born on the 10th of Rabīʿ al-Awwal, 661 AH, in Ḥarrān, and later migrated to Damascus with his father. His funeral prayer was led by Shaykh Muḥammad b. Tammām [x] at the gates of the Citadel, and repeated in the Umayyad Mosque. He was buried in the Cemetery of the Sufis alongside his brother Shaykh Sharaf al-Dīn [xi]. The mosque was more crowded for his funeral than on Fridays. Statesmen and officials attended, carrying him upon their shoulders to Bāb al-Faraj [xii]. The crowds extended all the way to the cemetery, reciting the Qurʾān repeatedly at his grave. His students remained there for several nights. Imam Zayn al-Dīn ʿUmar Ibn al-Wardī—may Allah have mercy on him—eulogised him in a poem, part of which reads:
Some loud mouths sought to tarnish his honour, The very ones who drank from his ocean of pearls. Taqī al-Dīn Aḥmad was the finest of scholars; Through him, obscure difficulties were resolved. He died alone, imprisoned, Having taken no pleasure from the world. Had they been present at his death, They would have seen angels of bounty surrounding him. […]
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IBN TAYMIYYAH: THE DEFENCE BY BADR AL-DĪN AL-ʿAYNĪ
Badr al-Dīn Maḥmūd b. Aḥmad al-ʿAynī al-Ḥanafī stated the following in a foreword he wrote for the book Al-Radd al-Wāfir ʿAlā Man Zaʿam Anna Man Sammā Ibn Taymiyyah Shaykh al-Islām Kāfir [i], [ii], [iii], [iv]:
The author of the book Al-Radd al-Wāfir has exerted tremendous effort in this uniquely outstanding work. Through his dazzling array of words, he clarifies the refutation of those who anathematise the scholars of Islam—its towering Imams and personalities—who have taken the gardens of bounty as their final abode and have sensed the zephyrs of mercy from the Gracious Lord.
Thus, it is proven that whoever casts aspersions against any of these scholars, or circulates false information about them, is like one who tries to blow against sand or pluck fruit from a thorny tree with his bare hands.
How could it even be permissible for someone who identifies with Islam, and possesses even an iota of knowledge, understanding, and the ability to convey understanding to others, to anathematise those whose hearts are pure and whose beliefs are far removed from such accusations?
One who does not refine his own character will always perceive sweetness as bitterness, just like a sick person. Nitpicking out of ignorance merely exposes one’s enmity. Such a person is crooked and disorderly in argumentation, resembling a coprocreep [v] that dies merely from smelling a rose, or an owl harmed by the brightness of light due to its weak eyesight. Such a person lacks analytical skill and is grossly deficient in foresight. These people are empty, barren mediocrities. Those who anathematise such scholars are complete unknowns—the sons of unknowns—and the strangest of nonentities: spiritually foul, misguided individuals and blind followers of deviation.
It is well known that the Shaykh, the Imam, the scholar and learned authority, Taqī al-Dīn Ibn Taymiyyah, was among the most outstanding scholars and a model leader. He possessed linguistic banquets that nourished souls, and the finest discussions that revived decaying bodies. His temperament—suspended within refined artistry, free of immaturity and repulsiveness—was the fruit of advanced intellectual insight.
Ibn Taymiyyah was the one who lifted the veil from hidden meanings and stripped the garments from untouched linguistic structures. He rebutted the conjectures of heretics and the claims of the impious. He meticulously analysed the narrations of the Prophet, the Leader of the Messengers, and the reports of the Companions and the Followers [vi].
In short, whoever says, “He is a disbeliever,” is himself truly a disbeliever, and whoever attributes heresy to him is himself a heretic. How could such accusations stand when his works have spread beyond the horizons, and nothing within them indicates deviation or dissent?
Regarding the two issues of visiting the Prophet’s grave and divorce, his research was based purely on valid independent reasoning. A scholar who exercises independent reasoning is rewarded regardless of the conclusion reached. There is nothing blameworthy or defective in his reasoning.
Rather, it was the manifest jealousy and blatant scheming of his enemies that drove them to such accusations. The concluding verse of Sūrat al-Falaq [vii] suffices to condemn such jealous people—burning inwardly with anguish. Whoever falsely accuses one who has died, or ascribes to someone what they are innocent of, has committed a gross lie and made himself deserving of severe punishment.
Ibn Taymiyyah was the Imam: pre-eminent, masterful, pious, pure, God-fearing, and a leader in the sciences of ḥadīth, exegesis, law, and jurisprudence—both orally and in writing. He was the unsheathed scimitar against innovation; a custodian of religious affairs, commanding good and forbidding evil. He was resolute and courageous, capable of enduring severe trials. He was constant in remembrance, fasting, prayer, and worship, content and detached from worldly comforts, desiring none of them.
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There are no texts that indicate women will have more than one husband. To the contrary, there are narrations indicating that a woman will only be married to one man in Paradise:
1) The narration which al-Albani declared authentic in his Silsilah: “A woman will be for her last [worldly] husband [in Paradise]." (المرأة لآخر أزواجها)
2) Hudhayfah bin 'l-Yaman told his wife, “If you want to be my wife in Paradise, then don't marry after I die, as a woman will be for her last husband in Paradise.” (Imam al-Tahawi, Sharh Mushkil al-Athar)
Al-Tahawi adds, “For this very reason, Allah made it impermissible for the wives of the Messenger of Allah (صلى الله عليه وسلم) to marry after his death (as that would entail debasing both their own status in Paradise and the position of the Prophet peace be upon him as their final husband)”
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Because of a lack of religiosity, we will stop Muslims taking from multiple schools of Fiqh out of maslahah.
And what makes you think that your maslahah argument in 2026 is so strong that these seemingly irreligious Muslims, who must be saved from their own whims at any cost, will automatically stop at that line that you have drawn?
Just stop with your bogus arguments please.
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3. `Umar (may Allah be pleased with him) sought for permission from `A'ishah, twice, to be buried in her room next to the Prophet and Abu Bakr: once was after he was fatally wounded by the Zoroastrian; the other after he had died to ensure he had her full permission. Both times `A'ishah approved. This is well documented, and among those who mentioned it was Ibn Kathir in his al-Bidayah. Had it been a forgone conclusion that the two Prophets and the Shaykhayn were to be buried in her room, none of this permission-seeking would have occurred by `Umar. In fact, he would have ordered `A'ishah to allow for him to be buried in the room as per the prophetic decree. In fact, it would have just happened without anybody mentioning anything, if those narrations about the two Prophets and the Shaykhayn being buried in one were authentic.
4.
A'ishah (may Allah be pleased with her) herself had aspirations to be buried in her room near the Prophet (peace be upon him). However, she felt guilty over her role in the Battle of Jamal, and couldn't feel content in her heart in her final days with the idea of buried in the same room where the Prophet was, despite the fact that it was her very own house (i.e. room, or Hujrah). Her expression of a sense of guilt is narrated by al-Hakim in his al-Mustadarak. As a result, she told the people to bury her alongside the other Madanese Mothers of the Believers, a few hundred yards away over in the Baqi Graveyard. Her refusal to be buried in the same room flatly contradicts the (severely weak) narration in which she was refused by the Prophet himself on the grounds that there is no space in the room: in other words, had she known that the space was booked up - one of the inhabitants being Jesus - why would she feel discontent over the potential of being buried next to the Prophet?
IN CONCLUSION, we say Allah knows best where Jesus will be buried. Even if it turns out to be the case in the future that Jesus is indeed buried in the same room as the Prophet, Abu Bakr and `Umar, it would still not prove the validity and authenticity of those narrations. This is because, in the science of Hadith verification and criticis,m we are bound by its rules and what the scholars said; the actuation of the content of a Hadith in real life is not a means of proving authenticity according to the Muhaddithun (لا يصحح الحديث بالتجربة ولا بالواقع).
We can conclude with the following results:
- There is no Tawatur on this belief, nor did anybody in the history of Islam before this quote - as far as I know - ever claim this belief has been proven by Tawatur
- The narrations reported in support of the notion are nowhere near authentic
- There is ample evidence that cast sufficient doubt on the notion
- Making this into a theological matter is indicative of one's shallow knowledge - nobody from the scholars of `Aqidah ever made this into a theological issue2 452
From 2013: On the burial place of Isa عليه السلام (a response to the barking mad dog of Port Elizabeth)
Some people, for some reason, feverently believe that Jesus will be buried in the same room as our Prophet, Abu Bakr and `Umar. Some have gone as far as claiming that this belief is narrated by Tawatur. The reality is it is nothing like such.
There are basically three main sources of evidence that their claims boil down to, which these people cling on to. After a very brief description of these evidences and analysing them, I shall then provide counter-evidences proving that these narrations cannot possibly be authentic, even from a logical standpoint.
1. The narration from `Abd 'llah bin Sallam, the Jewish Rabbi who converted to Islam at the hands of the Prophet. There is a narration in al-Tirmidhi where `Abd 'llah bin Sallam quotes from the Torah that Jesus will be buried next to our Prophet. This narration is also found elsewhere from `Abd 'llah bin Sallam; in some places there is no mention that he is quoting from the Torah; however, the assumption in all these narrations is that he is quoting from the Torah.
The response to this is that quoting from the Torah at that time makes it an Israeli narration, regarding which the ruling is Tawaqquf, or "sitting on the fence". This is when the narration has an authentic chain up to the narrator, which in this case is `Abd 'llah bin Sallam; however, there are some big problems in the chain up to `Abd 'llah bin Sallam, which make it weak from the outset. Many scholars have criticised the chain leading up to Ibn Sallam.
2. The narration from `Abd 'llah bin `Amr in which the Prophet said, "Jesus son of Mary will descend to earth... Then he will die and be buried with me in my Qabr..." As narrated by Ibn 'l-Jawzi in Kitab 'l-Wafa', and is found elsewhere as well.
The response is this Hadith is severely weak, as stated by Ibn 'l-Jawzi himself in his al-`Ilal, as well as al-Dhahabi in his al-Mizan, due to an African narrator (ironically enough) who was severely weak.
3. The Hadith of `A'ishah seeking permission from the Prophet to be buried next to him, upon which he told her that there would be no space after it is occupied by four men: himself, Jesus, Abu Bakr and `Umar. This is in Tarikh Madinat Dimashq by Ibn `Asakir.
The response to this is that there is a severely weak narrator in the chain, Muhammad al-`Amri. Not only that, Ibn Hajar in his al-Fath said that this narration is not established.
4. There is also a fourth evidence, a quote from Sa`id bin 'l-Musayyab, a Tabi`i, who reportedly suggested that there is space for Jesus to be buried. However, the chain to Sa`id is weak, as stated by Ibn Hajar himself.
Moving on, there are far more powerful evidences proving that the aforementioned narrations cannot possibly be correct from a Dirayah standpoint:
1. The Quran, Surat Luqman, where Allah says that no soul knows where it will die. This proves the Prophet did not know where he would die. This casts sufficient doubt on the authenticity of those Hadith in which he reportedly suggest that he would be buried in such and such place, and that there would be no space left for his wife.
2. The Companions differed over where exactly the Prophet should be buried, as reported in a Balagh of Imam Malik in his al-Muwatta', as well as other places. This was authenticated by some scholars like Ibn `Abd 'l-Barr. Had this double-Prophet, double-Sahabi burial place in the room of `A'ishah been authentic, the Companions would have known where the Prophet needed to be buried and would not have differed from the outset. Abu Bakr - who ultimately decided that he would be buried in Madinah in the room of `A'ishah - could have argued that "Jesus, `Umar and myself need to be buried next to the Prophet here in Madinah in my daughter's room", but he didn't use this argument despite it being a dispute-settling argument; rather he used another Hadith on the matter to settle the dispute about the Prophet's burial site.
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... أما ابن القيم فمع جلالة قدره ونباهة ذهنه ويقظته البالغة فإن المرء ليعجب منه رحمه الله تعالى كيف يروي الحديث الضعيف والمنكر في بعض كتبه كمدارج السالكين من غير أن ينبه عليه، بل تراه إذا روى حديثا جاء على مشربه المعروف بالغ في تقويته وتمتينه حتى يخيل للقارئ أن ذلك الحديث من قسم المتواتر، في حين أنه قد يكون حديثا ضعيفا أو غريبا أو منكرا، ولكن لما جاء على مشربه جمع على مشربه له جراميزه وهب لتقويته وتفخيم شأنه بكل ما أوتيه من براعة بيان وقوة لسان...
... ومما يدخل في موضوع هذه التتمة بعض كتب التفسير التي يكثر فيها إيراد الحديث من غير سند كتفسير الزمخشري والبيضاوي وأبي السعود، فإن مؤلفيها لانصرافهم عن الاشتغال بعلم الحديث يوردون فيها أثناء كلامهم أحاديث بعضها صحيح وبعضها ضعيف وبعضها منكر أو موضوع... ويلتحق بهذه التفاسير أيضا تفسير روح البيان في تفسير القرآن لإسماعيل حقي الواعظ الصوفي المتوفى سنة 1137 هـ ...
3. حول خفة الخطر بذكر الأسانيد للأحاديث الضعيفة (الأجوبة الفاضلة، صـ 106):
هذه التفاسير على جلالة قدر مؤلفيها فيها من الأحاديث الضعيفة والتالفة والغرائب والمناكر والإسرائيليات غير قليل! ولكنه مسوق بسنده فيخف خطره على أهل العلم بالرجال، وقد يقع فيها الموضوع كما سأذكره...
4. حول وجوب نسبة عمل ما إلى الأصل العام الذي يقتضيه لا إلى الحديث التالف الذي قد يدل عليه (قواعد في علوم الحديث، صـ 95):
وجه التأمل أن العمل حينئذ إنما هو على الأصل العام فقط دون الموضوع. فاللازم الإضافة إلى الأصل وإخراج ذكر الموضوع من البين. قال عبد الفتاح: لا يجوز إدخال الموضوع في جانب لأصل خاص أو عام إطلاقا، وقول العلامة الطحطاوي هذا لا يلتفت إليه بالمرة.
الخلاصة أن كلا الشخصين لم يذهبا إلى ما ذهب إليه محمد عوامة من التساهل الشديد في قبول الأحاديث الضعيفة، وبالله التوفيق.
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أما الشيخ محمد زاهد الكوثري فموقفه معروف من خلال مقالته في المسألة والتي سيجدها القارئ في مقالاته، صـ 55:
https://ia800209.us.archive.org/9/items/Maghalat_Alkawtheri/Maghalat_Alkawtheri.pdf
وأما الشيخ عبد الفتاح أبو غدة فيتضح موقفه الحذر من الحديث الضعيف من خلال النقول التالية:
حول براءة المتقدمين من العهدة بذكر الإسناد للأحاديث الضعيفة، وعدم براءة المتأخرين إلا ببيان ضعف تلك الأحاديث (الأجوبة الفاضلة، صـ 106 - 107):
... وقد اعتذر سليمان بن عبد القوي الطوفي في أوائل كتابه "الإكسير في أصول التفسير" عن المفسرين في تدوينهم كل ما بلغهم من الإسرائيليات والأخبار الواهية بأنهم لم يلزموا من بعدهم قبولها، وإنما دونوها خشية ضياع شيء يستطيعون جمعه تاركين أمر نقدها وتمحيصها لمن بعدهم. وضرب لذلك مثلا بصنيع رواة الحديث حيث عنوا بادئ ذي بدء بجمع الروايات كلها تاركين أمر التمييز بين صحاحها وضعافها لمن بعدهم من النقاد. وهذا اعتذار وجيه.
قال الحافظ ابن حجر في لسان الميزان في ترجمة الطبراني ... : إن الحفاظ الأقدمين في روايتهم الأحاديث الموضوعة - مع سكوتهم عنها - على ذكر الأسانيد، لاعتقادهم أنهم متى أوردوا الحديث بإسناده فقد برئوا من عهدته وأسندوا أمره إلى النظر في إسناده.
وقال تلميذه السخاوي في شرح ألفية المصطلح عند الكلام في الحديث الموضوع: لا يبرأ من العهدة في هذه الأعصار بالاقتصار على إيراد إسناده بذلك لعدم الأمن من المحذور منه، وإن صنعه أكثر المحدثين في الأعصار الماضية من سنة مائتين وهلم جرا، فإنهم إذا ساقوا الحديث بإسناده اعتقدوا أنهم برئوا من عهدته. قال شيخنا: وكان ذكر الإسناد عندهم من جملة البيان...
... ولقد أحسن الحافظ ابن كثير صنعا حيث تعرض...
2. حول الخطر في كتب العلماء الذين تساهلوا فذكروا الأحاديث الضعيفة محذوفة الأسانيد وبدون بيان درجة الضعف فيها (الأجوبة الفاضلة، صـ 118 - 135):
مما كان يحسن بالمؤلف اللكنوي رحمه الله تعالى أن يتعرض له في جواب هذا السؤال الثاني: حال الكتب التي تجمع فيها الأحاديث جمعا - أو تورد - محذوفة الأسانيد. ولعلها أحوج إلى التنبيه من كتب الأحاديث المسندة لأن الحديث الضعيف أو الموضوع إذا كان معه سنده كان الأمر أيسر في قبوله أو رده. أما إذا كان عاريا عن السند وفي مثل هذه الأزمان التي توانى فيها العلماء عن الاشتغال بالسنة وعلومها كان كشفه عسيرا وخطره كبيرا.
ومن أهم تلك الكتب تصانيف العلماء الأجلة - الغزالي وابن الجوزي والمنذري والنووي والذهبي وابن حجر والسيوطي وابن القيم رحمهم الله تعالى.
أما الغزالي فهو الإمام... سوي علم الحديث الشريف فإنه لم يتفرغ له وقد قال رحمه الله تعالى في كتابه "قانون التأويل" صـ 16: "وبضاعتي في علم الحديث مزجاة". ولذلك تجد كتبه طافحة بالحديث الضعيف...
وأما ابن الجوزي فقد ألف كتابا كبيرا حافلا في الموضوعات ليتجنبها العلماء والوعاظ وغيرهم، ثم هو يورد في كتبه الوعظية وما قاربها أحاديث موضوعة...
... وأما المنذري... أما الحديث الضعيف فإنه يكثر منه يرويه ويكثر منه... ومن المؤسف جدا أن أغلب الوعاظ... ينسون أو يغفلون عن اصطلاح مؤلفه فيه...
... وأما النووي... أما كتابه المعطار المشتهر باسم "رياض الصالحين" فقد التزم فيه أن لا يذكر إلا حديث صحيحا... إلا أني وقفت مصادفة على ثلاثة أحاديث هي من الحديث الضعيف على خلاف ما التزم...
... وأما الذهبي فهو الحافظ... ولكن قد وقع منه تساهل كثير في كتابه "الكبائر"... وليته كان أخلى كتابه من هذه الموضوعات، فإن في الحديث الصحيح ما يغني عن الضعيف فضلا عن الموضوع، ولكن لكل جواد كبوة ولكل صارم نبوة ولكل عالم هفوة...
... وأما ابن حجر فهو الحافظ حيث أطلق... نعم قد يكون عنده بعض فتور في الحكم على الحديث الموضوع. ولهذا قال شيخنا الحافظ المحدث أحمد بن الصديق الغماري رحمه الله تعالى في كتابه "المغير على الأحاديث الموضوعة في الجامع الصغير" صـ 7: ... والحافظ وشيخه العراقي متساهلان في الحكم للحديث، ولا يكادان يصرحان بوضع الحديث إلا إذا كان كالشمس في رابعة النهار.
أما السيوطي فهو الحافظ... وقد علق الشارح المناوي رحمه الله تعالى في فيض القدير على قول الحافظ السيوطي: "وصنته عما تفرد به وضاع أو كذاب" بقوله (1/21): إن ما ذكره من صونه عن ذلك غالبي أو ادعائي، وإلا فكثيرا ما وقع له أنه لم يصرف إلى النقد الاهتمام... والخلاصة أن الحافظ السيوطي رحمه الله تعالى متساهل في كتبه ورسائله في إيراد الحديث الضعيف والتالف والموضوع فيها، فلا يسوغ الاعتماد على ما يورده...
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The Mughal period illustrates this vividly. Many rulers were new Muslims, unfamiliar with Islamic norms. Shiʿite influence spread through institutions, Sufi lodges, and political authority, marginalising Qurʾān and Sunnah in favour of legends and hagiography. Scholars such as Abū al‑Ḥasan ʿAlī Nadwī and Sayyid Sulaymān Nadwī documented an era in which religious discourse became saturated with stories of saints while foundational knowledge was neglected. Shāh Walīyullāh recognised both the necessity of spiritual purification and the dangers of its corruption. He sought to reform Sufism, not abolish it, restoring it to its Qurʾānic and Prophetic foundations. Later scholars, particularly Ashraf ʿAlī Thānvī, carried this project forward in accessible language. This, and only this, is the enduring role of scholars in every age. Yet today, vanity culture has re‑emerged. Spiritual authority is treated as property, disciples are monopolised, and allegiance is enforced. Wealth, prestige, and exclusivity now shape spiritual travel and leadership. True spirituality, which once flourished in poverty and humility, is increasingly eclipsed by opulence and self‑promotion. History bears witness that corruption among religious elites is the primary cause of communal decline. The Prophet ﷺ warned that scholars would follow the path of the Children of Israel—and the parallels are unmistakable. When wealth and status infiltrate religious leadership, guidance diminishes in proportion. Despite this bleak assessment, there remains hope. The legacy of Shāh Walīyullāh and the sacrifices of generations cannot be erased. Ultimately, only the Qurʾān, Sunnah, and the lived example of the Prophet ﷺ and his Companions will endure. Vanity‑driven spirituality will fade, as it always has. The responsibility now rests upon contemporary scholars—particularly among the Deobandis—to abandon personality worship and return to the foundational path. And for Allah, this return is never difficult.
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For nearly two centuries following Shāh ʿAbd al‑ʿAzīz Dihlawī, no scholar matched Gangohī in depth and insight. As the spiritual guide of towering figures such as Khalīl Aḥmad Sahāranpūrī, Ashraf ʿAlī Thānvī, Ḥusayn Aḥmad Madanī, and Ilyās Kandhalwī, his words carried exceptional weight. These remarks were made in the final days of his life, giving them the force of lived testimony rather than abstract theory. In a few sentences, he encapsulated the historical trajectory of Sufism with remarkable precision. Indeed, alongside legitimate Sufi lineages, history records numerous heterodox and outright unlawful movements—such as the Madārīs, Rawshanīs, Ḥulūlīs, Ḥallājīs, Qalandarīs, and Malāmatīs. Even within sound chains, negligence and exaggeration among later followers produced widespread harm. In the Indian subcontinent, figures such as Khwājah Muʿīn al‑Dīn Ajmerī embodied authentic piety and strict adherence to the Sharīʿah. Yet today, many shrines associated with such figures have become centres of innovation and polytheistic practice. The pattern is consistent: corruption enters through exaggerated reverence for personalities. Within a few generations, admirers transform saints into instruments of worldly gain, to the extent that lawful earning is abandoned and overtly unlawful consumption is justified in their names. No one fought innovation, cultural accretions, and Shiʿite influence more vigorously than Aḥmad Sirhindī. Yet within three generations of his death, members of his own lineage began claiming the title of Qayyūm, asserting cosmic authority over creation. Works such as Rawḍat al‑Qayyūmiyyah describe the Qayyūm as the axis upon which the universe turns, attributing to him control over divine attributes, celestial bodies, natural phenomena, and even the unfolding of time itself. Such claims are not subtle deviations; they represent the culmination of unchecked exaggeration in reverence. This is the inevitable outcome of extremism in trust and personality‑centred devotion. Scholars therefore bear a grave responsibility: to protect the intellectual and spiritual integrity of ordinary believers. Mawlānā Muḥammad Yūsuf Kandhalwī once observed that those who recognise Allah through His manifest power—reviving the dead, sustaining ships upon the seas, holding the heavens aloft—develop faith as firm as mountains. By contrast, those captivated by esoteric disclosures and miraculous displays fall prey to self‑importance. Such people, he warned, would ultimately follow the Antichrist, who will dazzle them with precisely these spectacles. The task of scholars, then, is to redirect the masses toward authentic religious action rather than spiritual entertainment. Other domains—education, daʿwah, even organised preaching—have suffered corruption, but none has inflicted damage comparable to that caused by distorted Sufism. Its excesses lead directly to innovation and polytheism, often under the banner of good intentions: commemorative gatherings, ritualised reward‑transfer, or public recitations for those unable to understand Arabic. After Shāh Walīyullāh, the primary occupations of the scholars were teaching, purification, authorship, and reform. Remembrance and reflection existed only as supporting tools. Their lives revolved around Qurʾān, ḥadīth, and fiqh, grounded in a deep understanding of the Companions. Consequently, alien practices could not survive in their presence. Only when genuine knowledge declined did cultural habits creep in and become entrenched. In recent decades, however, a dangerous imbalance has emerged. Islam is increasingly presented through the lens of later elders rather than through the Qurʾān, Sunnah, and the Companions. While the methods of the elders are valuable, they are not legally binding upon the Ummah. When personal spiritual frameworks are imposed upon the masses, the historical pattern repeats itself: religion degenerates into personality worship, exaggeration, and custom.
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Translated from the original Urdu article penned by Mawlana Muhammad Essa Mansuri, Chairman, World Islamic Forum, London, published in the Asharia Online Magazine, August 2011 - subsequently edited via AI: https://alsharia.org/2011/aug/shakhsiyyat-parasti-maulana-mufti-isa-mansuri
A Polemical Critique of Sufism, Extremism, and Scholarly Responsibility
One of the most fundamental services scholars render to the Muslim community is the preservation of religious balance. Their task is to ensure that no form of extremism—whether in belief, practice, or reverence—takes root within the religion. Through this supervision, the integrity of Islam is safeguarded, and the community is protected from deviation from the straight path. This responsibility has always required vigilance and restraint. The actions of ʿUmar ibn al-Khaṭṭāb exemplify this principle: his decision to cut down the tree under which the Pledge of Riḍwān was taken, and his statement to the Black Stone—“You are only a stone; you can neither benefit nor harm”—were both expressions of profound religious caution. History repeatedly demonstrates that even sincere devotion, when left unchecked, can drift into excess. Aurangzeb, whom the renowned scholar Shaykh al-Ṭanṭāwī described as the Sixth Rightly Guided Caliph, placed immense trust in the spiritual legacy of Aḥmad Sirhindī. Some even described him as a spiritual disciple of Khwājah Muḥammad Maʿṣūm Fārūqī. His reverence for the family of the Mujaddid was such that after the conquest of Golconda, he married one daughter of the defeated ruler to his own son and another to a grandson of Aḥmad Sirhindī. Among the books he treasured most were Maktūbāt‑e Mujaddid and the Dīwān of Ḥāfiẓ, which he kept by his bedside. Yet despite his personal devotion, Aurangzeb once ordered the governor of Aurangabad to prohibit the public study of these works, recognising that portions of their content lay beyond the comprehension of the general public. This decision reflects a critical principle: what may benefit the elite can harm the masses if presented without discernment. This concern is echoed in a striking report recorded in Arwāḥ‑e Thalāthah regarding Ḥaḍrat Rashīd Aḥmad Gangohī. During a journey from Saharanpur to Rampur, he remarked with unusual frankness that no group had harmed the religion as much as the Sufis—not out of malice, but through excess. According to him, their influence had negatively affected theology, religious practice, moral action, and intellectual outlook. He explained that the Companions possessed such spiritual strength through the direct influence of the Prophet ﷺ that even the most hardened disbelievers could attain excellence merely by embracing faith. They required neither elaborate spiritual exercises nor prolonged struggle, as the effects of prophetic companionship were already embedded within them. This spiritual intensity diminished gradually among the Successors and the generations that followed. To compensate for this loss, later pious individuals developed structured spiritual disciplines. Initially, these were merely means to an end. Over time, however, they became ends in themselves. As generations drifted further from the Prophetic age, these practices multiplied, and through them entered countless theological, practical, and ideological innovations. While great reformers among the Sufis worked tirelessly to remove these corruptions, their efforts only reduced them; they did not eliminate them entirely. Gangohī specifically cited figures such as ʿAbd al‑Qādir al‑Jīlānī, Shihāb al‑Dīn Suhrawardī, Aḥmad Sirhindī, and Sayyid Aḥmad as sincere reformers whose achievements, though significant, ultimately fell short of restoring full balance.
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سنة، وكسر الفريق خلال الموسم العديد من الأرقام القياسية والفضل في ذلك يعود إلى لاعبين مسلمين صلاح المصري وماني السنغالي، ومن الغريب ما حصل أن امرأة أحسبها مسلمة إن شاء الله عمرها لا تزيد على ثماني عشرة سنة أنجبت بنتا قبل ستة أشهر من نكاحها فسمتها زانية، وكان الأولى بها أن تسمي نفسها زانية
وممن توفي فيها من الأعيان الرئيس المصري الشرعي الوحيد محمد مرسي، كما هلك فرعون مصر حسني مبارك وهو مشؤوم، كما هلك طاغوت تونس زين العابدين بل شين الفاجرين والحمد لله رب العالمين، والثلاثة سيلقون الله عز وجل فما أعظم الموقف، وفيه توفي يوسف متالا الكجراتي وهو من هو في ترسيخ الإسلام في أوروبا، وفيه توفي الصوفي طلحة ابن الشيخ زكريا الكاندهلوي صاحب أوجز المسالك في الهند، كما توفي صهره محمد سلمان المظاهري عميد مدرسة مظاهر العلوم بسهارنفور في الهند، وفيه الأستاذ محمد سعيد الطنطاوي الدمشقي شقيق الشيخ علي الطنطاوي، وفيه محمد فال بن الددو والد العلامة محمد الحسن الددو، وفيه محمد مختار ابن الشيخ محمد الأمين الشنقيطي وهو الأصولي، وفيه الأستاذ السيد غفران الندوي، وفيه محمد بو خبزة التطواني، وفيه صلاح الدين صبري الحنبلي مفتي قلقيلية، وفيه محمد لقمان السلفي، وفيه خالد محمود الباكستاني الساكن في بريطانيا ويسمى بالعلامة، وفيه ولي الدين فرفور بالشام صاحب الشرح على المنتخب في أصول الحنفية، وفيه محمد سعيد الكجراتي البالنبوري أستاذ الحديث بدار العلوم ديوبند، وفيه عبد الفتاح مدكور المقرئ، وفيه محمد نعيم الكجراتي عميد الجامعة البنورية بكراتشي، وفيه المحدث محمد ضياء الرحمن الأعظمي بالمدينة، وفيه محمد عدنان سعيد المجد الإدريسي الحسني إمام جامع أرسلان بدمشق، وفيه استشهد يوسف ابن الداعية الكبير أحمد ديدات بالرصاص في جنوب أفريقيا، كما توفي آلاف من المسلمين بسبب الوباء، كتبهم الله من جملة الشهداء، ونسأل الله أن يرزقنا وإياهم خير العقبى
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الهندوسية تراجع عن ذلك، أيقظه الله من حماقته، وفيه طالبت المؤسسات لحقوق الإنسان بالحكم العادل في قضية طارق رمضان حفيد حسن البناء المصري وهو ما زال في السجن الفرنسي بسبب التهم التي وجهت إليه حول الاغتصاب، ويبدو أن القضية التي أجريت ضده في ضمن فعاليات فرنسية تستهدف الإسلام وأعيان المسلمين، كما أطلق السراح عن علي التميمي وهو شيخ سلفي في أمريكا، وكان في السجن لمدة خمس عشرة سنة على تهم ضعيفة جدا، وفيه وقع الدمار بما طار من الجراد على الزروع الإثيوبية والصومالية، وفيه قضى المحكمة السعودية بعد لف ودوران على خمسة أشخاص بالإعدام وسجن أربعة وعشرين آخرين في قضية القتل الوحشي للإعلامي السعودي جمال خاشقجي في القنصل السعودي بإسطنبول، والله أعلم هل سيطبق ذلك الحكم فعلا أم لا، وفيه قتل الأمريكيون قاسم سليماني وكان عميدا في الجيش الإيراني ومعه أبا مهدي المهندس العراقي، وكانا رافضيين فعلا الأفاعيل وارتكبا الأباطيل على المسلمين السنيين في العراق وفي الشام، وحسابهما على الله، وفيه مات السلطان قابوس العماني، وفيه تمت اتفاقية السلام بين أمريكا وبين طالبان الذين كانوا إرهابيين بالأمس وذلك استعدادا من الأمريكان للخروج من أفغانستان مقبرة الإمبراطوريات، وفيه حول آيا صوفيا من متحف إلى مسجد جامع فجزى الله القائمين على ذلك خيرا ولا أبقى مآثر أتاتورك المشؤومة، وفيه قتل أحد الشرطة في أمريكا رجلا أسود في رابعة النهار بولاية مينيسوتا وذلك بوضع ركبته على عنقه لثماني دقائق حتى انقطع منه النفس والحياة، مما أدى إلى مظاهرات عالمية حول مطالبة الحقوق الإنسانية للشعوب السود والكشف عن العنصرية المقيتة ضدهم وهتك الأستار عن أنظمة الشرطة في أمريكا التي استهدفت السود لأمد طويل، وفيه استمرت حرب محمد بن سلمان السعودي على الشعب اليمني مستهدفا الحوثيين إلى أن الكورونا سبق الجميع فتعطل القصف السعودي على اليمن، وانعدم اللوم التي كان متتاليا على النساء المسلمات المنتقبات وذلك بسبب فرض الأقنعة على الناس في كثير من أنحاء الحياة بسبب الوباء، ولله في خلقه شؤون، وفيه سقط في البحر على السواحل الموريشيسية زيت من شاحنة يابانية مما دمر من السمك والشعاب المرجانية الفريدة هناك، وفيه انهزم جيش حفتر في طرابلس الليبية وتراجع، وفيه حصل انفجار عظيم في بيروت اللبنانية بسبب ادخار نترات الأمنيوم الذي تم القبض عليه قبل بضع سنين فلم يتم القضاء عليه في تلك المدة، وكان الانفجار قد أحس به في قبرص، وفيه تمت إتفاقية السلام بين الإمارات المتحدة ودولة إسرائيل فانشقت صفوف المسلمين شعوبا وحكاما في أمر فلسطين، كان الله في عون أهاليها، وفيه انفجرت النقاشات على الشبكات حول الأحرف والقراءات من جديد فطاش المرتدون عن الإسلام فرحا وهم أجهل الجهال فلم يقدروا العلوم الشرعية الشريفة حق قدرها، وممن لم يستطع السكوت والوقوف فاشتد هراؤه رجل اسمه فريد الخاجة البحريني وكان قد أعماه عجبه بنفسه في المسألة فاضطررت إلى هتك ستره لأنه كان هو السبب الرئيسي في اشعال الفتنة في المسألة، وفيه زاد الطغيان لدى فتى اسمه دانيال الأمريكي وهو معروف على الإنترنت مجهول في بلده هيوستن بولاية تيكسس الأمريكية، وهو مؤسس معهد ألسنا، يقول إنه مأخوذ من قول عمر ألسنا على الحق، لكن هذه التسمية عمل من هو يتيم في العلوم الإسلامية والعربية، ومع ذلك فإنه يظن أنه حامل لواء الإسلام في الغرب، فهنيئا له على جهله وحمقه، كما تزبب قبل أن يتحصرم واحد اسمه محمد حجاب وكان أولى به أن يجتنب عن الجدال والنزاع فإنه ما زال طفلا، وفيه طلع على الشبكات واحد أفغاني الأصل كندي الجنسية اسمه مسعود واحدي وهو إمام صور الميم حتى يكاد يصبح حرف الميم بنفسه، كأنه يظن أن الوحي نزل بصور الميم، وفيه جاءت مدرسة العمرية وهي مدرسة العمرية قبل أن صححت اسمها بمقاطع يوتيوبية حول القراءات فلم تأت بما يشفي الغليل بل زاد الرائي حيرة، وفيه جاء أحد خريجي هذه المدرسة وهو من يسمى باسم فتى الدعوة فأتى ببعض الطوام في مقابلة جرى بينه وبين ساجد لفام حيث ظن أنه مجتهد في ترجيح المصالح على المفاسد في تسريب الإيميلات التي أشعلت الفتنة بين المسلمين وذلك في نفس مسألة الأحرف والقراءات التي آن ذكرها، وكان قد سبق منه القول بأن جميع ما في تفسير الطبري سنة يستحق أن تتبع، فما أجهل فتى الدعوة هذا، وفيه أفتى المسمى موسى ريتشردسون بأن تعليق أي شيء شرك حتى المعطرات على المرآة الرؤية الخلفية في السيارة، كاد يكون من أشراط الساعة حيث ضل وأضل، وفيه تدوالت مقاطع من الشيخ يوسف المينكل البلوشي بالأردية فلقي القبول العام، وفيه من الكتب طبع الرد على الشيخ محمد عوامة حول الحديث الضعيف واسم الكتاب الجواب اللطيف، وهو لطيف لكنه في فحواه عنيف وشديد على عوامة بسبب ما أتى من الخزعبلات في المسألة حتى كاد ينشئ مذهبا فقهيا وحديثيا جديدا، وفيه فاز فريق ليفربول بكأس الدوري الإنجليزي الممتاز بعد هوان وخذلان استمرا لمشجعيه ثلاثين
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وكان هذا العام مصداقا لقول النبي عليه السلام بادروا بالإعمال فتنا كقطع الليل المظلم، ففيه أن الفتاة النرويجية جريتا ثونبرج الناشطة المناخية والعاطلة عن مدرستها فازت بشخصية العام من مجلة تايم وهي الصغرى سنا ممن حصل على تلك، وفيه ماتت فتاة إيرانية اسمها سحر خدایاري بعد أن أشعلت نفسها بالنار مظاهرة لما كان قد يحصل لها من السجن وذلك بعد دخولها أحد الملاعب لمشاهدة مباراة مع العلم بأن النساء لم يسمح لهن ذلك، وفيه تم ما يسمى بالبريكست في المملكة التي ليست متحدة، مما أدى الناس إلى خوف ورهب مما قد يقع في مستقبلهم، وبقيت الآن المفاوضات والمناقشات للصفقات بين الاتحاد الأوروبي والمملكة التي ليست متحدة، وفيه استمرت مظاهرة لمدة طويلة في هونغ كونغ لدى السكان هناك بسبب ما يرونه من التدخل غير المبرر في شؤونهم من قبل الحكومة الصينية، وفيه قتل الخارجي المارق أبو بكر البغدادي رأس الدواعش بعد أن هرب من الأمريكان كجبان فهلك في عملية إنتحارية قبل أن يتم القبض عليه، ألقى الأمريكان جثمانه في البحر حتى لا يصبح قبر له أرضا تشد الرحال إليه، ولم يكن ليحصل ذلك قط ولكن ما أجهل الأمريكان، عامل الله البغدادي بما يستحق، وفيه احتفل السعوديون اللبراليون بعيد الحب علنا لأول مرة في حياتهم وهو ضمن برنامج ولي العهد هناك في جعل المملكة منفتحة للقيم الغربية تحت ما يسمى برؤية 2030، وجاء ذلك خلال فعاليات في المملكة مثل نزال الدرعية التاريخي وهو عبارة عن الملاكمة بين يوشع البريطاني ورويز المكسيكي حيث استعاد الأول اللقب، ومثل الازدياد من احتفالات الغناء مع استضافة الفنيين من الخارج، ومثل جلسة تصوير للنساء الغربيات ما بينهن كيت موس لمجلة فوك وذلك بالصحراء في منطقة المدينة المنورة، ومثل استضافة للمؤسسة الترفيهية الأمريكية للمصارعة المحترفة من جديد، ومما يجدر بالذكر أنه كان أول مرة حصلت مصارعة بين مصارعتين، شاركتا في المصارعة وهما ساترتان أكثر عورتهما، ومن العجيب أن عمال المؤسسة والنجوم من مصارعيها حبسوا في الطائرة على مدرج المطار لست ساعات وذلك بسبب النزاع المالي بين الشركة وولي العهد السعودي، فحلف كثير منهم بعدم الرجوع إلى المملكة في العام الآتي، كما حظرت المملكة ومصر والبحرين والإمارات المسلسل التركي قيامة أرطغرل الذي طلع أخيرا على نتفليكس ولقي القبول بين الناس المشاهدين في كثير من الدول من بينها دولة باكستان التي بدأت البث للمسلسل في أول شهر رمضان، ووعد مركز تلفزيون الشرق الأوسط أن تصنع مسلسل آخر يكشف عن ظلم العثمانيين، وفيه بدأت السعودية بإصدار التأشيرة السياحية لعدة دول ليست فيها دولة مسلمة إلا ماليزيا وبروناي، وفيه خرجت أخبار أليمة حول ما يحصل بالمسلمين الأيغور في تركستان الشرقية وهي تحت سيطرة الصين، ومن تلك الأخبار سجن أطفال المسلمين وتربيتهم على طريقة الكفار الصينيين بعيدا عن أبائهم وأمهاتهم، ومن الأخبار إكراه النساء الأيغور على العمليات الجراحية أو أخذ الأدوية التي تمنع الحمل حتى الموت، ومن المؤسف تأييد أكثر الدول المسلمة أو السكوت منها حول ما يفعله الصينيون بالمسلمين عليهم لعائن الله، فيه استمر الحظر الكلي والإغلاق التام من قبل الجيش الهندوسي على مسلمي كشمير المحتلة، وانتشر العدوان الهندوسي على مسلمي الهند في كثير من المناطق في الدولة وخاصة في العاصمة، كان الله في عونهم، وفيه فتح المسجد الأول في دولة سلوفينيا بعد غياب المساجد هناك لنصف قرن، وفيه خرجت الولايات المتحدة من إتفاقية التغير المناخي وذلك بسبب رئيسهم دونالد ترامب حيث يقدم مصالح شعبه عموما ومرشحيه في الانتخابات خصوصا على الاتفاقيات الدولية، وفيه حكمت المحكمة الكبرى الهندية بإتاحة أرض المسجد البابري للهندوس، عليهم من الله ما يستحقون، وفيه حاول الحزب الديمقراطي الأمريكي بعزل ترامب عن منصبه في البيت الأبيض فلم ينجحوا في ذلك، وفيه ظهر ما يسمى بوباء كورونا في الصين بولاية ووهان فانتشر من هناك، فمرض كثير من الناس في العالم ومات عدد كبير ولم يعرف له دواء إلى الآن، انقطع الناس عن بعضهم وأغلقت المدارس وتعطلت المعابد والمساجد لعدة أشهر ما بينها رمضان والجمع والأعياد في أكثر الدول، واستشكل عدد من المسلمين الإجراءات الوقائية لأجل الجديث النبوي لا عدوى، مما دل على بقاء وجود ظاهرية عميقة في الأمة حتى لدى غير الظاهرية، ثم فتحت المساجد بعد ذلك في أكثر البلاد ولله الحمد مع وجود فواصل بين المصلين ولم يحصل هذا في التاريخ الإسلامي قط، وفسد الاقتصاد العالمي وعطل كثير من الرياضيات والمباريات، وقل تكدر البيئة بسبب التقليل من انبعاثات الكاربون في الفضاء، حتى شوهدت جبال دولاذر من مدينة جالاندهار ببنجاب الهندية، وفرضت الحكومة السعودية عددا لا يزيد على عشرة آلاف فقط لأداء مناسك الحج، وانكشف فيه جهل من يسمى بأمير جماعة التبليغ بالهند فظن أن الوباء سيندفع بالدعاء فقط لا بالدواء ولا بالأسباب الوقائية، حتى إذا ضغطت عليه الحكومة
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الذيل على ”البداية والنهاية لابن كثير“ - عام 1441 من الهجرة
ثم دخلت سنة ألف وأربعمائة وإحدى وأربعين من الهجرة
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