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ᛋ ᛋ Nationalsozialismus über alles! ᛋ ᛋ Posting the literature and documents by NationalSocialists from the Third Reich period.
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 𝐇𝐞𝐲𝐝𝐫𝐢𝐜𝐡 𝐨𝐧 𝐬𝐞𝐭𝐭𝐥𝐞𝐦𝐞𝐧𝐭 𝐩𝐥𝐚𝐧𝐬 𝐟𝐨𝐫 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐒𝐨𝐯𝐢𝐞𝐭 𝐔𝐧𝐢𝐨𝐧
It is psychologically wrong to simply negate all possessions. It must not be said that Socialism in the Soviet Union must be destroyed, but rather: true Socialism, that is, state-guaranteed social justice for all workers, will be created. The national question must be treated with extreme restraint (in view of the later overall settlement). For the time being, dismantling the collectives is out of the question for economic reasons. Therefore, since the peasant's expectations of being allocated their own property cannot be met initially, they must be treated with particular skill in terms of propaganda.
Source: Abschrift. Chef der Sicherheitspolizei und des SD, Berlin, 2.7.1941, B.Nr. IV-1180/41 gRs. [Irving File 3H]
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 𝐓𝐡𝐞 𝐒𝐨𝐜𝐢𝐚𝐥𝐢𝐬𝐭 𝐄𝐭𝐡𝐢𝐜 𝐢𝐧 𝐍𝐚𝐭𝐢𝐨𝐧𝐚𝐥 𝐒𝐨𝐜𝐢𝐚𝐥𝐢𝐬𝐦
Ｐａｒｔ （２／２）
Continuing from the same document, it discusses that National Socialism rejects the Marxist doctrine of class-struggle due to the goal of National Socialism to eliminate class completely and only see the fellow German as one in the same.
This was the annihilation of class struggle through a new ideal of life: National Socialism opted neither for the bourgeoisie nor for the proletariat – it opted for the classless national community. From this arose the obligation to industrial peace and the lofty ideal of the factory community, in which, as the Führer declared, there were no longer employers and employees, but only representatives of the entire nation. National Socialism increasingly transformed the bourgeois entrepreneur into the German factory leader, and the class-struggle-minded proletarian into the German worker. And both are united by loyalty stemming from their shared blood and political destiny. These fundamental principles of the Law for the Organization of National Labor apply – by analogy, beyond the scope of this law – to every area of political life. Every German stands under this manifesto of German socialism: the officer, soldier, farmer, and civil servant, as well as the entrepreneur and worker – all stand under the exclusive mandate of the people, all are subject to the laws of the community.
The Work of the German Labor Front as a Work of Socialism.
The German Labor Front has proven itself as the creative community of the entire German people and has radically broken with all class prejudices and divisions. The factory manager belongs to it just as much as the workforce, and through corresponding agreements, a unity of work with the peasantry, cultural workers, tradespeople, etc., has been established. Anyone who would now attempt to break away from this cohesive German creative community would thereby be breaking with a fundamental order of the German people.
To properly understand the work of the German Labor Front in the realization of German socialism, one must keep three things in mind:
1. The cooperation of the German Labor Front and legislation in promoting social progress,
2. The importance of the concept of social self-responsibility and social competition,
3. The meritocratic principle.
The realization of social progress is not to be imposed on the German people through laws, but rather the National Socialist leadership intends to convince entrepreneurs and workers, through its organs, and in the social sphere especially through the German Labor Front (DAF), that they will act in a socialist manner of their own accord. The DAF is the engine that drives social development forward on behalf of the Party. The intellectual attitude of factory managers, shop stewards, and their followers, who, driven by their own initiative and under the guidance of the DAF, constantly strive for social and economic improvements and increased productivity, is what we call "social self-responsibility."
The Reich carries the banner of Socialism against an unsocialist environment.
From the impetus of Adolf Hitler's National Socialist idea and policies arose a new world of the inner Reich against a world of external enemies. We are living in the test of strength of the socialist Reich. And there is no doubt that we will pass it; for, as Adolf Hitler taught us on January 30, 1939: no nation can, in the long run, exert more strength externally than it possesses politically within. From the inner strength of the Reich, that is, from the strength of German socialism, the external world struggle will be won with the same certainty as the military power of the enemies will collapse under their internal political supremacy when the hour of decision arrives.
From National Socialist thought, the German Socialism emphasized was the the socialism of duty, of the Volk, against the social bonds which divide one another.
Source: BArch RS 3-1/97 "Das Reich als sozialistische Lebensordnung" Herausgabe: Abt. VI / L-SS-AH Juni 1944 p.30, p.34
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 𝐓𝐡𝐞 𝐒𝐨𝐜𝐢𝐚𝐥𝐢𝐬𝐭 𝐄𝐭𝐡𝐢𝐜 𝐢𝐧 𝐍𝐚𝐭𝐢𝐨𝐧𝐚𝐥 𝐒𝐨𝐜𝐢𝐚𝐥𝐢𝐬𝐦
Ｐａｒｔ （１／２）
The Leibstandarte SS Adolf Hitler compiled a great deal of ideological training documents regarding the Socialist Character of the Third Reich and its functions. This was most emphasized as "German Socialism" of the blood community towards the service of the entire nation.
Socialism is not a matter for a single political sector, but for the entire political order.
This realization is crucial: socialist principles should prevail not just in one area of life, but throughout the entire political order. Socialism is not merely a task for the labor constitution, which is governed by the Law for the Organization of National Labor, the great socialist fundamental law. The peasant system, determined by the Reich Hereditary Farm Law, must also adhere to socialist principles. The agricultural labor system must be just as socialist as the industrial labor system. The civil service must be aligned with socialist performance principles, just as political service and military service are. Social justice and the merit principle make a total claim for all forms of work and service. Just as they obligate not only the worker but also the employer, who must see himself as a manager, so too do they obligate the farmer to his farmhands and the officer to his troops. The National Socialist Reich as a whole is a socialist Reich, not just in one of its parts.
What is "Socialism"?
In his closing speech at the 1933 Party Congress, the Führer gave the only binding and convincing explanation of the concept of "socialism" for us. He said the following: "By striving to find among my people the person born for every function of life, in order to entrust them with responsibility in this area regardless of their previous economic or social background, I am acting in the interest of all. But if the word socialism is to have any meaning at all, then it can only mean, in unwavering justice—that is, with the deepest insight—burdening each individual on the preservation of the whole with what corresponds to their innate disposition and thus their worth." Socialism means justice, specifically justice in the sense that only innate disposition and the performance based upon it may be the standards for professional effort and advancement. This method alone serves the whole and not just the individual. The contrast to this socialism is the selection process of the past. It was based on economic and social standing, money, possessions, and origin.
The Fundamental Principles of the Law for the Organization of National Labor as a Socialist Model
Sections 1 and 2 of the Law for the Organization of National Labor of January 20, 1934, constitute the manifesto of German socialism. They read:
§ 1: "In the enterprise, the employer as the leader of the enterprise, the salaried employees and workers as the workforce, work together to promote the enterprise's objectives and for the common benefit of the people and the state."
§ 2: "The leader of the enterprise makes decisions vis-à-vis the workforce in all enterprise matters, insofar as they are regulated by this law. He is responsible for the welfare of the workforce. The workforce owes him the loyalty established within the enterprise community."
Source: BArch RS 3-1/97 "Das Reich als sozialistische Lebensordnung" Herausgabe: Abt. VI / L-SS-AH Juni 1944 p.26-30
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 𝐏𝐨𝐥𝐢𝐭𝐢𝐜𝐚𝐥 𝐒𝐭𝐫𝐮𝐠𝐠𝐥𝐞 𝐨𝐧 𝐑𝐞𝐥𝐢𝐠𝐢𝐨𝐮𝐬 𝐆𝐫𝐨𝐮𝐧𝐝
The National Socialist idea is a worldview that aims to win over all German people. It has nothing to do with any religion and will therefore never take a decisive stance for or against any religion, unless that religion is capable of undermining its existence or its goals. The Reich Youth Leader, however, emphasized that any endeavor aimed at deepening and internalizing religious life is not only welcomed but also promoted by a responsible youth leadership. And it is in this sense that the National Socialist commitment to positive Christianity, which we clearly outlined in the last issue of our magazine, must be understood. The question of religion is left to each individual in our community to decide for themselves. We consciously refrain from taking a position for or against any religion. It is a different matter when the institutions of this religion, such as the churches, interpret the reticence of National Socialism and its youth as weakness and occasionally adopt a stance that has nothing to do with their religious service and disrupts the realms of National Socialist ideology, political life, and so on. Our position on the question of religion also allows us to remain uninvolved in church-political disputes. However, such an attitude does not prevent us from occasionally outlining the state of the discussion surrounding churches and religious questions in order to be able to assess the opposing sides, which tend to spill over into political life. [...] For us Germans, there are currently more essential tasks to which we should devote our energies, our commitment, and our fighting spirit. The political National Socialist youth today recognizes no greater law than the struggle for the freedom of the people.
Source: "Politischer Kampf auf religiösem Boden" Wille und Macht. Jahrgang 3, Heft 9, May. Deutscher Jugendverlag 1935 p.20
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 𝐖𝐡𝐚𝐭 𝐢𝐬 𝐏𝐨𝐬𝐢𝐭𝐢𝐯𝐢𝐞 𝐂𝐡𝐫𝐢𝐬𝐭𝐢𝐚𝐧𝐢𝐭𝐲?
All times of true revolution touch upon the foundations, they delve into the depths in order to affirm with even greater faith and reject with even greater fanaticism. The question of religion, too, resurfaces again and again, demanding an answer—and however much we must guard against being drawn into denominational disputes, we must be prepared to bear witness before the community to which we belong and before our own conscience. Perhaps it is currently impossible to say more about this vast complex of questions surrounding National Socialism and Christianity than to offer a personal opinion. But shouldn't such a view also be of importance and value, provided it is honest and clear? We have recently experienced so much error and confusion, so much strife and conflict, so much misunderstanding and fear of knowledge, that we have seen how desperately necessary it is to establish clear lines. Certainly, all questions of religion are a delicate matter for political actors. But we would be in a sorry state if we were afraid of difficult questions. Even in its early days, National Socialism displayed the courage to take a stand: "The party as such advocates the standpoint of positive Christianity, without being confessionally bound to any particular denomination." This statement clearly rejects any denominational affiliation from the outset. Methodological disputes are more irrelevant to us National Socialists than anything else in the world, and we avoid all dogmatic debates, precisely because we understand nothing about them and want to understand nothing about them. Hidden within the concept of "positive Christianity," far removed from dogmas and methods, lies a dividing line that must be revealed: it is the one that separates the political from the religious sphere. What is political? Everything that manifests itself in earthly forms of organization, word and image, writing and gesture, and has even the slightest significance for the community of the people, is political. And what is religious? Everything that becomes perceptible in earthly forms as belief in the transcendent, as a feeling of infinity, as a longing for things beyond the world visible to humankind, is religious. [...] National Socialism is a worldview, the National Socialist view of the world. There are things that are not of this world. Therefore, religion is excluded from politics, but truly only religion, only that transcendent greatness that moves the world and one day confronts every fighter with a decision, only true religion and nothing else that disguises itself with this name. National Socialism affirms Christianity, and only the National Socialist will truly understand the Christian spirit again as a spirit of struggle and commitment, capable of generating vibrant forces and proud events, great men and historical deeds, and thus being anything but a feeble degeneration of humankind. Let us not forget how one of the mightiest and profoundest men on earth, Friedrich Nietzsche, wrestled with this! Let us not make things too easy for ourselves in our rejection, nor become too comfortable in our affirmation! Let us, especially as National Socialists, bear in mind that a doctrine would not have shaped two millennia if, at its beginning, there had not been a magnificent, combative, heroic personality, ready for the ultimate sacrifice! National Socialism does not affirm Christianity – whether it appears as a church or as a faith, in the political or religious sphere – in general; it only affirms it if it is positive, if it maintains its own boundaries and those in relation to political power, as has been shown. For us, positive Christianity is in the church that gives support to the people – positive Christianity is in the faith that creates values for the people, that leads them to the highest heights of their being and helps them to fulfill their mission in this world and beyond.
Source: "Positives Christentum" Wille und Macht Jahrgang 3, Heft 8, April. Deutscher Jugendverlag Berlin 1935 p.1
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 𝐀𝐛𝐨𝐮𝐭 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐢𝐝𝐞𝐚 𝐨𝐟 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐑𝐞𝐢𝐜𝐡
Every major confrontation raises the question of the meaning of the struggle. Hardly anyone can presume to be able to give the final answer to final questions in the midst of such a great struggle, and yet it seems to be a law of life that once one has faced a fate, the meaning of a struggle progressively reveals itself, especially in the combative life. When the National Socialist German Workers' Party was formed in protest against the disgrace of November 1918, people from all walks of life joined the young movement - for very different reasons. Some wanted to erase the shame of the apparent military collapse, others came to fight against economic corruption, others did not want to tolerate centrist rule in Germany... All of them could not imagine all the consequences that would come with a fundamental denial of all the phenomena that led to November 9, 1918. From these thousands who fought willingly and courageously for the new idea, a great revolution then became, and in the end this struggle finally gave rise to a new imperial idea, an imperial idea that was born directly from the demands of the time and yet at the moment of its militant implementation found connection with the great traditions of German history. In every era of German greatness, a specific carrier of the imperial idea became decisive: in the Middle Ages, knighthood, in cooperation, but often also in the hardest struggle, with the church. Over a long period of time, the state that was supposed to overcome the Middle Ages grew out of the Prussian officers and civil servants, and today the problem of social justice is at the center of the German imperial idea, an idea that has been fought over by ancient peoples for over 100 years and which is currently being defended by the German Reich against the onslaught of all its enemies. Social justice as a core idea of the new Reich and the German nation as a substance in general, the bearer of this idea, is something that brings together the powers of world exploitation and the powers of world destruction against this German imperial power into a will to destroy. But in this struggle we become all the more aware that we are in the service of a fateful task, of fighting for an idea of empire that is no longer oriented towards denominations and classes, but rather towards the national substance in general. Whether fully conscious or less conscious, every soldier today faces hostility as the bearer of this new flag. This will to new life was probably part of the secret of the tremendous resistance at the front and at home. Therefore, when we commemorate January 30, 1933, we do so with the full awareness of a major historical turning point, with the awareness that we have honestly fought for an ancient heritage, but also with the full awareness of having to defend this new German idea of empire in order to prove its resilience and thus be able to hand it over, clarified and tested, into the hands of the young team that is already fighting today. What was fought for and sacrificed in these years is not and will not have been in vain. We entered this new year firmly convinced that from the rubble and rubble and from the blood of the fallen, this new German Reich idea will victoriously shape the coming times of the German people and ultimately give the entire European continent a tangible form, the consciousness of a culture to be defended together and a future to be defended masterfully.
Source: NARA, RG 242, T77, Roll 852 "Um den Reichsgedanken" Der Politische Soldat: Politischer und kultureller Informationsdienst für den Einheitsführer, Folge 1, Januar 1945 p.1088
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 𝐍𝐢𝐞𝐭𝐳𝐬𝐜𝐡𝐞 𝐨𝐧 𝐁𝐫𝐞𝐞𝐝𝐢𝐧𝐠 𝐚𝐧𝐝 𝐂𝐮𝐥𝐭𝐢𝐯𝐚𝐭𝐢𝐨𝐧
The Enlightenment brought a progress ideology, according to which humanity, interrupted by phases of regression, is in progress through world history, towards a moralistic-civilizational ideal state, towards a world citizenship in peace and equality. Nietzsche, on the other hand, coined the concepts of decadence and "ascending life". He recognizes the natural development of degeneration and deterioration and thereby refutes the humanistic progress utopia. The decadence is caused by counter-selection, by contra-selection, the "ascending life" through selection, through cultivation and breeding. Like no philosopher before him, he recognizes in world events the titanic effect of selection and counter-selection. "The nihilistic movement is the expression of a physiological decadence." (Nachlass, May–June 1888, KSA 13, 17[8]) "I see all philosophers, I see science on its knees before the reality of the reverse struggle for existence, as the school of Darwin teaches it, namely, I see everywhere those on top, those remaining, those who compromise life, the value of life." (Nachlass, Spring 1888, KSA 13, 14[123]) "Assuming that one does not show us the reason why man is the exception among creatures, I incline to the prejudice that Darwin was mistaken everywhere." (Nachlass, Spring 1888, KSA 13, 14[123]) How much man is an "exception among creatures", I tried to show at the beginning of this discussion. The greater modification-breadth and -duration, the modifiability of humans, can be as favorable as it is dangerous; humans are thereby more easily enhanced through cultivation, as well as led to degeneration through foreign influences. The world-historical example of this is the Christian infection of Germanism. This can only be pointed out here. Nietzsche's objection to Darwin therefore has deep justification. "My overall view of the world of values shows that in the highest values that are hung over humanity today, it is not the strokes of luck, not the selection types that have the upper hand: rather the types of decadence, perhaps there is nothing more interesting in the world than this unwanted spectacle..." (Nachlass, Spring 1888, KSA 13, 14[123]) "Precisely the opposite is palpable: The striking out of strokes of luck, the impossibility of higher-turned-out types, the inevitable mastery of the average, even the below-average types." (Nachlass, Spring 1888, KSA 13, 14[123]) As with democracy and Marxism, Nietzsche also seeks the ultimate root and cause for contra-selection in Christianity, i.e., for Nietzsche always: in the Judaization of values. Nietzsche claims that Christianity bears the main guilt for the decadence of the present for three reasons: 1. "Eternal bliss" as the life goal of the individual is the extreme enhancement of private egoism. There, the welfare of the community is too little esteemed and therefore endangered. 2. Through the doctrine of the equality of humans before God, the delusion of equality arose and with it the "equivalence" of humans. Everyone is a "redeemer in Christ", every life, even the inferior, would thus be preserved and propagated. 3. Christian asceticism is hostile to life; sacrifices not for life but for a "beyond". When Christianity brought the doctrine of selflessness and love to the forefront, it still did not set the species interest as higher than the individual interest.
Source: Nietzsche und der Nationalsozialismus 2. Auflage, Kapitel 8. Franz Eher Nachf Verlag Munchen 1939 p.76
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 𝐓𝐡𝐞 𝐅ü𝐡𝐫𝐞𝐫'𝐬 𝐂𝐚𝐫𝐞𝐞𝐫
When the NSDAP lost so many seats in the Reichstag election of November 6, 1932, and when Gregor Strasser defected a few weeks later, the Führer faced one of the toughest tests of strength of the entire struggle. For the last time, the enemies of our people attempted to prevent the victory of the National Socialist movement. It is certainly no mere coincidence that the Führer made two pronouncements during this most difficult period of the final battle for power, pronouncements he never again used in this form: "I believe I would not be the leader of the party if my grandfathers had not been peasants. I inherited my thick skull from them." (Speech on January 3, 1933, in Munich.) And: "I inherited a thick peasant skull from my ancestors, and it will remain stubbornly so." (Speech on January 9, 1933, in Lemgo.) In these words, the Führer expressed the deepest core of his being: a peasant man, that is, to be rooted in the land and connected to nature, above all to pursue a goal once set with unwavering perseverance, with tenacious diligence and never-failing energy, never wavering or even capitulating. Only the scion of a peasant family rooted in the land for centuries possessed the innate qualities to one day lead Germany, from its deepest humiliation, back to a dominant world power, the courage and perseverance, the profound insight into the nature of things, and above all, that self-assured instinct, unique to the lower, healthy strata of our people, which guides genius with sleepwalker-like certainty to follow his path. It is interesting that Benito Mussolini once said something similar about his lineage: he compared his ancestors, who were also peasants, to a plant that had nourished itself for centuries on the best juices of the soil, only to one day appear before the world in a unique form. The Führer's peasant origins are thus the first prerequisite for the creator of Greater Germany. The second is the fact that Adolf Hitler came from the border region. More than 1000 years have passed since the Austria assumed its historical role as the bulwark of all Germans in the east. For over 1000 years, the Germans of the Ostmark have stood on the front lines; this guarding of the Reich's security has sharpened their instincts and made them particularly capable of quickly and unerringly recognizing everything hostile and alien, passionately repelling it, and clinging to their own people with boundless love. This borderland destiny preserved the German-Austrian from any laxity or indifference on ethnic issues. The nationalism of the Germans living in the border region and abroad is put to the test daily. Germans living beyond the border must constantly fight for all the sacred goods, national identity, language, culture and history, which are "self-evident" and therefore often overlooked possessions for Germans living in the secure center of the Reich.
Source: "Der Werdegang des Führers" Nationalsozialistische Monatshefte Heft 133, Jahrgang 12, April. Franz Eher Nachf Verlag München 1941 p.3
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 𝐖𝐞 𝐡𝐚𝐯𝐞 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐍𝐞𝐰 𝐢𝐝𝐞𝐚
Only great idealists, decent fighters, and political figures of true conviction can lay the foundations of human order and create lasting groundwork for the coexistence of nations. Our adversaries have developed neither constructive ideas nor creative forces, but only selfish interests and destructive instincts. Germany, however, has brought forth the new and fruitful political ideas of this century, implemented them among its own people, and thus provided practical proof that they are capable of bringing about the happiness of humanity and the harmony of its interests. Germany has therefore also shown the way to the reorganization of Europe and a happy future for all European peoples. No Eastern European sphere of influence, nor a Western European pact that would perpetuate the state of incessant wars and trample the peoples of Europe; no division into Bolshevik and plutocratic spheres of influence that would subject European nations to deadly exploitation and irretrievably destroy them—only the central solution, centered around the Reich as the European core and therefore as the continental power of order, is the only possible one for Europe. Europe without Germany is impossible. But Europe is also no longer possible without a National Socialist Germany. For a new Europe can only be born from a new idea. Our adversaries have not produced a future-shaping idea. Germany's European program, however, illuminates the dark aspirations of the European people in the bright light of a historical vision. Our program, in the reality and attainability of its goals, is greater and more powerful than our adversaries, even in all their lofty phases of world-improvement, could ever conceive. Our program is the salvation of Europe from the united barbarians of East and West, who are about to destroy the creations of European culture, to brutally destroy the most sublime works of a spirit that has illuminated the world for millennia and bestowed upon it the full richness of human progress. In a saved Europe, freed from its corruption—and this is the second great goal of our program—we will then fight for the socialist liberation of its creative people and thus open the way for the nations to a truly social progress that leads to a new, great, and happy future. This true socialism will not be born of strikes, destruction, civil war and rebellion, arson and annihilation, but of a new, great, and truly progressive idea, of the victory of human reason over the spirit of hatred and destruction. This socialism of ours is founded on the law of the community, whose interests take precedence over all individual interests. Only the realization of our socialist order will fulfill the centuries-old yearning of working humanity, will free it from the chains of capitalism, eliminate the privileges of favored classes, and liberate working people from their contempt as proletarians. Only our socialist order will restore dignity to working people and enable them to achieve their highest potential. Only it will bring work and sustenance, justice and prosperity, security and peace to all people. These are lofty goals and high ideals worth fighting for, risking one's life, and shedding one's blood for.
Source: NARA, RG 242, T77, Roll 852 "Wir haben die neuen Ideen" Der Politische Soldat: Politischer und kultureller Informationsdienst für den Einheitsführer, Folge 20, Dezembver 1944 p.1102
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