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ᛋ ᛋ Nationalsozialismus über alles! ᛋ ᛋ Posting the literature and documents by NationalSocialists from the Third Reich period.
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منشورات القناة
𝐇𝐞𝐲𝐝𝐫𝐢𝐜𝐡 𝐨𝐧 𝐬𝐞𝐭𝐭𝐥𝐞𝐦𝐞𝐧𝐭 𝐩𝐥𝐚𝐧𝐬 𝐟𝐨𝐫 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐒𝐨𝐯𝐢𝐞𝐭 𝐔𝐧𝐢𝐨𝐧
It is psychologically wrong to simply negate all possessions. It must not be said that Socialism in the Soviet Union must be destroyed, but rather: true Socialism, that is, state-guaranteed social justice for all workers, will be created. The national question must be treated with extreme restraint (in view of the later overall settlement). For the time being, dismantling the collectives is out of the question for economic reasons. Therefore, since the peasant's expectations of being allocated their own property cannot be met initially, they must be treated with particular skill in terms of propaganda.Source: Abschrift. Chef der Sicherheitspolizei und des SD, Berlin, 2.7.1941, B.Nr. IV-1180/41 gRs. [Irving File 3H] 𝔊𝔬𝔱𝔱𝔤𝔩ä𝔲𝔟𝔦𝔤𝔨𝔢𝔦𝔱
| 2 |  𝐓𝐡𝐞 𝐒𝐨𝐜𝐢𝐚𝐥𝐢𝐬𝐭 𝐄𝐭𝐡𝐢𝐜 𝐢𝐧 𝐍𝐚𝐭𝐢𝐨𝐧𝐚𝐥 𝐒𝐨𝐜𝐢𝐚𝐥𝐢𝐬𝐦
Ｐａｒｔ （２／２）
Continuing from the same document, it discusses that National Socialism rejects the Marxist doctrine of class-struggle due to the goal of National Socialism to eliminate class completely and only see the fellow German as one in the same.
This was the annihilation of class struggle through a new ideal of life: National Socialism opted neither for the bourgeoisie nor for the proletariat – it opted for the classless national community. From this arose the obligation to industrial peace and the lofty ideal of the factory community, in which, as the Führer declared, there were no longer employers and employees, but only representatives of the entire nation. National Socialism increasingly transformed the bourgeois entrepreneur into the German factory leader, and the class-struggle-minded proletarian into the German worker. And both are united by loyalty stemming from their shared blood and political destiny. These fundamental principles of the Law for the Organization of National Labor apply – by analogy, beyond the scope of this law – to every area of political life. Every German stands under this manifesto of German socialism: the officer, soldier, farmer, and civil servant, as well as the entrepreneur and worker – all stand under the exclusive mandate of the people, all are subject to the laws of the community.
The Work of the German Labor Front as a Work of Socialism.
The German Labor Front has proven itself as the creative community of the entire German people and has radically broken with all class prejudices and divisions. The factory manager belongs to it just as much as the workforce, and through corresponding agreements, a unity of work with the peasantry, cultural workers, tradespeople, etc., has been established. Anyone who would now attempt to break away from this cohesive German creative community would thereby be breaking with a fundamental order of the German people.
To properly understand the work of the German Labor Front in the realization of German socialism, one must keep three things in mind:
1. The cooperation of the German Labor Front and legislation in promoting social progress,
2. The importance of the concept of social self-responsibility and social competition,
3. The meritocratic principle.
The realization of social progress is not to be imposed on the German people through laws, but rather the National Socialist leadership intends to convince entrepreneurs and workers, through its organs, and in the social sphere especially through the German Labor Front (DAF), that they will act in a socialist manner of their own accord. The DAF is the engine that drives social development forward on behalf of the Party. The intellectual attitude of factory managers, shop stewards, and their followers, who, driven by their own initiative and under the guidance of the DAF, constantly strive for social and economic improvements and increased productivity, is what we call "social self-responsibility."
The Reich carries the banner of Socialism against an unsocialist environment.
From the impetus of Adolf Hitler's National Socialist idea and policies arose a new world of the inner Reich against a world of external enemies. We are living in the test of strength of the socialist Reich. And there is no doubt that we will pass it; for, as Adolf Hitler taught us on January 30, 1939: no nation can, in the long run, exert more strength externally than it possesses politically within. From the inner strength of the Reich, that is, from the strength of German socialism, the external world struggle will be won with the same certainty as the military power of the enemies will collapse under their internal political supremacy when the hour of decision arrives.
From National Socialist thought, the German Socialism emphasized was the the socialism of duty, of the Volk, against the social bonds which divide one another.
Source: BArch RS 3-1/97 "Das Reich als sozialistische Lebensordnung" Herausgabe: Abt. VI / L-SS-AH Juni 1944 p.30, p.34
𝔊𝔬𝔱𝔱𝔤𝔩ä𝔲𝔟𝔦𝔤𝔨𝔢𝔦𝔱 | 446 |
| 3 |  𝐓𝐡𝐞 𝐒𝐨𝐜𝐢𝐚𝐥𝐢𝐬𝐭 𝐄𝐭𝐡𝐢𝐜 𝐢𝐧 𝐍𝐚𝐭𝐢𝐨𝐧𝐚𝐥 𝐒𝐨𝐜𝐢𝐚𝐥𝐢𝐬𝐦
Ｐａｒｔ （１／２）
The Leibstandarte SS Adolf Hitler compiled a great deal of ideological training documents regarding the Socialist Character of the Third Reich and its functions. This was most emphasized as "German Socialism" of the blood community towards the service of the entire nation.
Socialism is not a matter for a single political sector, but for the entire political order.
This realization is crucial: socialist principles should prevail not just in one area of life, but throughout the entire political order. Socialism is not merely a task for the labor constitution, which is governed by the Law for the Organization of National Labor, the great socialist fundamental law. The peasant system, determined by the Reich Hereditary Farm Law, must also adhere to socialist principles. The agricultural labor system must be just as socialist as the industrial labor system. The civil service must be aligned with socialist performance principles, just as political service and military service are. Social justice and the merit principle make a total claim for all forms of work and service. Just as they obligate not only the worker but also the employer, who must see himself as a manager, so too do they obligate the farmer to his farmhands and the officer to his troops. The National Socialist Reich as a whole is a socialist Reich, not just in one of its parts.
What is "Socialism"?
In his closing speech at the 1933 Party Congress, the Führer gave the only binding and convincing explanation of the concept of "socialism" for us. He said the following: "By striving to find among my people the person born for every function of life, in order to entrust them with responsibility in this area regardless of their previous economic or social background, I am acting in the interest of all. But if the word socialism is to have any meaning at all, then it can only mean, in unwavering justice—that is, with the deepest insight—burdening each individual on the preservation of the whole with what corresponds to their innate disposition and thus their worth." Socialism means justice, specifically justice in the sense that only innate disposition and the performance based upon it may be the standards for professional effort and advancement. This method alone serves the whole and not just the individual. The contrast to this socialism is the selection process of the past. It was based on economic and social standing, money, possessions, and origin.
The Fundamental Principles of the Law for the Organization of National Labor as a Socialist Model
Sections 1 and 2 of the Law for the Organization of National Labor of January 20, 1934, constitute the manifesto of German socialism. They read:
§ 1: "In the enterprise, the employer as the leader of the enterprise, the salaried employees and workers as the workforce, work together to promote the enterprise's objectives and for the common benefit of the people and the state."
§ 2: "The leader of the enterprise makes decisions vis-à-vis the workforce in all enterprise matters, insofar as they are regulated by this law. He is responsible for the welfare of the workforce. The workforce owes him the loyalty established within the enterprise community."
Source: BArch RS 3-1/97 "Das Reich als sozialistische Lebensordnung" Herausgabe: Abt. VI / L-SS-AH Juni 1944 p.26-30
𝔊𝔬𝔱𝔱𝔤𝔩ä𝔲𝔟𝔦𝔤𝔨𝔢𝔦𝔱 | 384 |
| 4 |  𝐏𝐨𝐥𝐢𝐭𝐢𝐜𝐚𝐥 𝐒𝐭𝐫𝐮𝐠𝐠𝐥𝐞 𝐨𝐧 𝐑𝐞𝐥𝐢𝐠𝐢𝐨𝐮𝐬 𝐆𝐫𝐨𝐮𝐧𝐝
The National Socialist idea is a worldview that aims to win over all German people. It has nothing to do with any religion and will therefore never take a decisive stance for or against any religion, unless that religion is capable of undermining its existence or its goals. The Reich Youth Leader, however, emphasized that any endeavor aimed at deepening and internalizing religious life is not only welcomed but also promoted by a responsible youth leadership. And it is in this sense that the National Socialist commitment to positive Christianity, which we clearly outlined in the last issue of our magazine, must be understood. The question of religion is left to each individual in our community to decide for themselves. We consciously refrain from taking a position for or against any religion. It is a different matter when the institutions of this religion, such as the churches, interpret the reticence of National Socialism and its youth as weakness and occasionally adopt a stance that has nothing to do with their religious service and disrupts the realms of National Socialist ideology, political life, and so on. Our position on the question of religion also allows us to remain uninvolved in church-political disputes. However, such an attitude does not prevent us from occasionally outlining the state of the discussion surrounding churches and religious questions in order to be able to assess the opposing sides, which tend to spill over into political life. [...] For us Germans, there are currently more essential tasks to which we should devote our energies, our commitment, and our fighting spirit. The political National Socialist youth today recognizes no greater law than the struggle for the freedom of the people.
Source: "Politischer Kampf auf religiösem Boden" Wille und Macht. Jahrgang 3, Heft 9, May. Deutscher Jugendverlag 1935 p.20
𝔊𝔬𝔱𝔱𝔤𝔩ä𝔲𝔟𝔦𝔤𝔨𝔢𝔦𝔱 | 260 |
| 5 |  𝐖𝐡𝐚𝐭 𝐢𝐬 𝐏𝐨𝐬𝐢𝐭𝐢𝐯𝐢𝐞 𝐂𝐡𝐫𝐢𝐬𝐭𝐢𝐚𝐧𝐢𝐭𝐲?
All times of true revolution touch upon the foundations, they delve into the depths in order to affirm with even greater faith and reject with even greater fanaticism. The question of religion, too, resurfaces again and again, demanding an answer—and however much we must guard against being drawn into denominational disputes, we must be prepared to bear witness before the community to which we belong and before our own conscience. Perhaps it is currently impossible to say more about this vast complex of questions surrounding National Socialism and Christianity than to offer a personal opinion. But shouldn't such a view also be of importance and value, provided it is honest and clear? We have recently experienced so much error and confusion, so much strife and conflict, so much misunderstanding and fear of knowledge, that we have seen how desperately necessary it is to establish clear lines. Certainly, all questions of religion are a delicate matter for political actors. But we would be in a sorry state if we were afraid of difficult questions. Even in its early days, National Socialism displayed the courage to take a stand: "The party as such advocates the standpoint of positive Christianity, without being confessionally bound to any particular denomination." This statement clearly rejects any denominational affiliation from the outset. Methodological disputes are more irrelevant to us National Socialists than anything else in the world, and we avoid all dogmatic debates, precisely because we understand nothing about them and want to understand nothing about them. Hidden within the concept of "positive Christianity," far removed from dogmas and methods, lies a dividing line that must be revealed: it is the one that separates the political from the religious sphere. What is political? Everything that manifests itself in earthly forms of organization, word and image, writing and gesture, and has even the slightest significance for the community of the people, is political. And what is religious? Everything that becomes perceptible in earthly forms as belief in the transcendent, as a feeling of infinity, as a longing for things beyond the world visible to humankind, is religious. [...] National Socialism is a worldview, the National Socialist view of the world. There are things that are not of this world. Therefore, religion is excluded from politics, but truly only religion, only that transcendent greatness that moves the world and one day confronts every fighter with a decision, only true religion and nothing else that disguises itself with this name. National Socialism affirms Christianity, and only the National Socialist will truly understand the Christian spirit again as a spirit of struggle and commitment, capable of generating vibrant forces and proud events, great men and historical deeds, and thus being anything but a feeble degeneration of humankind. Let us not forget how one of the mightiest and profoundest men on earth, Friedrich Nietzsche, wrestled with this! Let us not make things too easy for ourselves in our rejection, nor become too comfortable in our affirmation! Let us, especially as National Socialists, bear in mind that a doctrine would not have shaped two millennia if, at its beginning, there had not been a magnificent, combative, heroic personality, ready for the ultimate sacrifice! National Socialism does not affirm Christianity – whether it appears as a church or as a faith, in the political or religious sphere – in general; it only affirms it if it is positive, if it maintains its own boundaries and those in relation to political power, as has been shown. For us, positive Christianity is in the church that gives support to the people – positive Christianity is in the faith that creates values for the people, that leads them to the highest heights of their being and helps them to fulfill their mission in this world and beyond.
Source: "Positives Christentum" Wille und Macht Jahrgang 3, Heft 8, April. Deutscher Jugendverlag Berlin 1935 p.1
𝔊𝔬𝔱𝔱𝔤𝔩ä𝔲𝔟𝔦𝔤𝔨𝔢𝔦𝔱 | 298 |
| 6 |  𝐀𝐛𝐨𝐮𝐭 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐢𝐝𝐞𝐚 𝐨𝐟 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐑𝐞𝐢𝐜𝐡
Every major confrontation raises the question of the meaning of the struggle. Hardly anyone can presume to be able to give the final answer to final questions in the midst of such a great struggle, and yet it seems to be a law of life that once one has faced a fate, the meaning of a struggle progressively reveals itself, especially in the combative life. When the National Socialist German Workers' Party was formed in protest against the disgrace of November 1918, people from all walks of life joined the young movement - for very different reasons. Some wanted to erase the shame of the apparent military collapse, others came to fight against economic corruption, others did not want to tolerate centrist rule in Germany... All of them could not imagine all the consequences that would come with a fundamental denial of all the phenomena that led to November 9, 1918. From these thousands who fought willingly and courageously for the new idea, a great revolution then became, and in the end this struggle finally gave rise to a new imperial idea, an imperial idea that was born directly from the demands of the time and yet at the moment of its militant implementation found connection with the great traditions of German history. In every era of German greatness, a specific carrier of the imperial idea became decisive: in the Middle Ages, knighthood, in cooperation, but often also in the hardest struggle, with the church. Over a long period of time, the state that was supposed to overcome the Middle Ages grew out of the Prussian officers and civil servants, and today the problem of social justice is at the center of the German imperial idea, an idea that has been fought over by ancient peoples for over 100 years and which is currently being defended by the German Reich against the onslaught of all its enemies. Social justice as a core idea of the new Reich and the German nation as a substance in general, the bearer of this idea, is something that brings together the powers of world exploitation and the powers of world destruction against this German imperial power into a will to destroy. But in this struggle we become all the more aware that we are in the service of a fateful task, of fighting for an idea of empire that is no longer oriented towards denominations and classes, but rather towards the national substance in general. Whether fully conscious or less conscious, every soldier today faces hostility as the bearer of this new flag. This will to new life was probably part of the secret of the tremendous resistance at the front and at home. Therefore, when we commemorate January 30, 1933, we do so with the full awareness of a major historical turning point, with the awareness that we have honestly fought for an ancient heritage, but also with the full awareness of having to defend this new German idea of empire in order to prove its resilience and thus be able to hand it over, clarified and tested, into the hands of the young team that is already fighting today. What was fought for and sacrificed in these years is not and will not have been in vain. We entered this new year firmly convinced that from the rubble and rubble and from the blood of the fallen, this new German Reich idea will victoriously shape the coming times of the German people and ultimately give the entire European continent a tangible form, the consciousness of a culture to be defended together and a future to be defended masterfully.
Source: NARA, RG 242, T77, Roll 852 "Um den Reichsgedanken" Der Politische Soldat: Politischer und kultureller Informationsdienst für den Einheitsführer, Folge 1, Januar 1945 p.1088
𝔊𝔬𝔱𝔱𝔤𝔩ä𝔲𝔟𝔦𝔤𝔨𝔢𝔦𝔱 | 357 |
| 7 |  𝐍𝐢𝐞𝐭𝐳𝐬𝐜𝐡𝐞 𝐨𝐧 𝐁𝐫𝐞𝐞𝐝𝐢𝐧𝐠 𝐚𝐧𝐝 𝐂𝐮𝐥𝐭𝐢𝐯𝐚𝐭𝐢𝐨𝐧
The Enlightenment brought a progress ideology, according to which humanity, interrupted by phases of regression, is in progress through world history, towards a moralistic-civilizational ideal state, towards a world citizenship in peace and equality. Nietzsche, on the other hand, coined the concepts of decadence and "ascending life". He recognizes the natural development of degeneration and deterioration and thereby refutes the humanistic progress utopia. The decadence is caused by counter-selection, by contra-selection, the "ascending life" through selection, through cultivation and breeding. Like no philosopher before him, he recognizes in world events the titanic effect of selection and counter-selection. "The nihilistic movement is the expression of a physiological decadence." (Nachlass, May–June 1888, KSA 13, 17[8]) "I see all philosophers, I see science on its knees before the reality of the reverse struggle for existence, as the school of Darwin teaches it, namely, I see everywhere those on top, those remaining, those who compromise life, the value of life." (Nachlass, Spring 1888, KSA 13, 14[123]) "Assuming that one does not show us the reason why man is the exception among creatures, I incline to the prejudice that Darwin was mistaken everywhere." (Nachlass, Spring 1888, KSA 13, 14[123]) How much man is an "exception among creatures", I tried to show at the beginning of this discussion. The greater modification-breadth and -duration, the modifiability of humans, can be as favorable as it is dangerous; humans are thereby more easily enhanced through cultivation, as well as led to degeneration through foreign influences. The world-historical example of this is the Christian infection of Germanism. This can only be pointed out here. Nietzsche's objection to Darwin therefore has deep justification. "My overall view of the world of values shows that in the highest values that are hung over humanity today, it is not the strokes of luck, not the selection types that have the upper hand: rather the types of decadence, perhaps there is nothing more interesting in the world than this unwanted spectacle..." (Nachlass, Spring 1888, KSA 13, 14[123]) "Precisely the opposite is palpable: The striking out of strokes of luck, the impossibility of higher-turned-out types, the inevitable mastery of the average, even the below-average types." (Nachlass, Spring 1888, KSA 13, 14[123]) As with democracy and Marxism, Nietzsche also seeks the ultimate root and cause for contra-selection in Christianity, i.e., for Nietzsche always: in the Judaization of values. Nietzsche claims that Christianity bears the main guilt for the decadence of the present for three reasons: 1. "Eternal bliss" as the life goal of the individual is the extreme enhancement of private egoism. There, the welfare of the community is too little esteemed and therefore endangered. 2. Through the doctrine of the equality of humans before God, the delusion of equality arose and with it the "equivalence" of humans. Everyone is a "redeemer in Christ", every life, even the inferior, would thus be preserved and propagated. 3. Christian asceticism is hostile to life; sacrifices not for life but for a "beyond". When Christianity brought the doctrine of selflessness and love to the forefront, it still did not set the species interest as higher than the individual interest.
Source: Nietzsche und der Nationalsozialismus 2. Auflage, Kapitel 8. Franz Eher Nachf Verlag Munchen 1939 p.76
𝔊𝔬𝔱𝔱𝔤𝔩ä𝔲𝔟𝔦𝔤𝔨𝔢𝔦𝔱 | 343 |
| 8 |  𝐓𝐡𝐞 𝐅ü𝐡𝐫𝐞𝐫'𝐬 𝐂𝐚𝐫𝐞𝐞𝐫
When the NSDAP lost so many seats in the Reichstag election of November 6, 1932, and when Gregor Strasser defected a few weeks later, the Führer faced one of the toughest tests of strength of the entire struggle. For the last time, the enemies of our people attempted to prevent the victory of the National Socialist movement. It is certainly no mere coincidence that the Führer made two pronouncements during this most difficult period of the final battle for power, pronouncements he never again used in this form: "I believe I would not be the leader of the party if my grandfathers had not been peasants. I inherited my thick skull from them." (Speech on January 3, 1933, in Munich.) And: "I inherited a thick peasant skull from my ancestors, and it will remain stubbornly so." (Speech on January 9, 1933, in Lemgo.) In these words, the Führer expressed the deepest core of his being: a peasant man, that is, to be rooted in the land and connected to nature, above all to pursue a goal once set with unwavering perseverance, with tenacious diligence and never-failing energy, never wavering or even capitulating. Only the scion of a peasant family rooted in the land for centuries possessed the innate qualities to one day lead Germany, from its deepest humiliation, back to a dominant world power, the courage and perseverance, the profound insight into the nature of things, and above all, that self-assured instinct, unique to the lower, healthy strata of our people, which guides genius with sleepwalker-like certainty to follow his path. It is interesting that Benito Mussolini once said something similar about his lineage: he compared his ancestors, who were also peasants, to a plant that had nourished itself for centuries on the best juices of the soil, only to one day appear before the world in a unique form. The Führer's peasant origins are thus the first prerequisite for the creator of Greater Germany. The second is the fact that Adolf Hitler came from the border region. More than 1000 years have passed since the Austria assumed its historical role as the bulwark of all Germans in the east. For over 1000 years, the Germans of the Ostmark have stood on the front lines; this guarding of the Reich's security has sharpened their instincts and made them particularly capable of quickly and unerringly recognizing everything hostile and alien, passionately repelling it, and clinging to their own people with boundless love. This borderland destiny preserved the German-Austrian from any laxity or indifference on ethnic issues. The nationalism of the Germans living in the border region and abroad is put to the test daily. Germans living beyond the border must constantly fight for all the sacred goods, national identity, language, culture and history, which are "self-evident" and therefore often overlooked possessions for Germans living in the secure center of the Reich.
Source: "Der Werdegang des Führers" Nationalsozialistische Monatshefte Heft 133, Jahrgang 12, April. Franz Eher Nachf Verlag München 1941 p.3
𝔊𝔬𝔱𝔱𝔤𝔩ä𝔲𝔟𝔦𝔤𝔨𝔢𝔦𝔱 | 360 |
| 9 |  𝐖𝐞 𝐡𝐚𝐯𝐞 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐍𝐞𝐰 𝐢𝐝𝐞𝐚
Only great idealists, decent fighters, and political figures of true conviction can lay the foundations of human order and create lasting groundwork for the coexistence of nations. Our adversaries have developed neither constructive ideas nor creative forces, but only selfish interests and destructive instincts. Germany, however, has brought forth the new and fruitful political ideas of this century, implemented them among its own people, and thus provided practical proof that they are capable of bringing about the happiness of humanity and the harmony of its interests. Germany has therefore also shown the way to the reorganization of Europe and a happy future for all European peoples. No Eastern European sphere of influence, nor a Western European pact that would perpetuate the state of incessant wars and trample the peoples of Europe; no division into Bolshevik and plutocratic spheres of influence that would subject European nations to deadly exploitation and irretrievably destroy them—only the central solution, centered around the Reich as the European core and therefore as the continental power of order, is the only possible one for Europe. Europe without Germany is impossible. But Europe is also no longer possible without a National Socialist Germany. For a new Europe can only be born from a new idea. Our adversaries have not produced a future-shaping idea. Germany's European program, however, illuminates the dark aspirations of the European people in the bright light of a historical vision. Our program, in the reality and attainability of its goals, is greater and more powerful than our adversaries, even in all their lofty phases of world-improvement, could ever conceive. Our program is the salvation of Europe from the united barbarians of East and West, who are about to destroy the creations of European culture, to brutally destroy the most sublime works of a spirit that has illuminated the world for millennia and bestowed upon it the full richness of human progress. In a saved Europe, freed from its corruption—and this is the second great goal of our program—we will then fight for the socialist liberation of its creative people and thus open the way for the nations to a truly social progress that leads to a new, great, and happy future. This true socialism will not be born of strikes, destruction, civil war and rebellion, arson and annihilation, but of a new, great, and truly progressive idea, of the victory of human reason over the spirit of hatred and destruction. This socialism of ours is founded on the law of the community, whose interests take precedence over all individual interests. Only the realization of our socialist order will fulfill the centuries-old yearning of working humanity, will free it from the chains of capitalism, eliminate the privileges of favored classes, and liberate working people from their contempt as proletarians. Only our socialist order will restore dignity to working people and enable them to achieve their highest potential. Only it will bring work and sustenance, justice and prosperity, security and peace to all people. These are lofty goals and high ideals worth fighting for, risking one's life, and shedding one's blood for.
Source: NARA, RG 242, T77, Roll 852 "Wir haben die neuen Ideen" Der Politische Soldat: Politischer und kultureller Informationsdienst für den Einheitsführer, Folge 20, Dezembver 1944 p.1102
𝔊𝔬𝔱𝔱𝔤𝔩ä𝔲𝔟𝔦𝔤𝔨𝔢𝔦𝔱 | 917 |
| 10 |  𝐓𝐡𝐞 𝐖𝐨𝐫𝐥𝐝-𝐇𝐢𝐬𝐭𝐨𝐫𝐢𝐜𝐚𝐥 𝐓𝐮𝐫𝐧𝐢𝐧𝐠 𝐏𝐨𝐢𝐧𝐭 𝐨𝐟 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐌𝐢𝐝𝐝𝐥𝐞 𝐀𝐠𝐞𝐬
German history, in its interconnectedness and unity, can only be truly understood by those who have a correct understanding of Luther and the German Reformation. The conception of the Reformation as a purely theological and ecclesiastical event fails to capture its historical reality. Only from a perspective that transcends the level of confessional conflicts, commonly considered the essence of the Reformation era, can a true understanding of the German reformer and his actions be gained. To see Luther merely as the founder of a non-Roman Christian denomination, a new church, is to view him too narrowly from a historical standpoint. Those whose perspective does not extend beyond the bourgeois 16th and the similarly shaped 19th centuries will always perceive Luther only as a man of the church, a theologian, and a town preacher. But we recognize in him not only the founder of Protestantism, but one of the great "Protestants" of German history as a whole, indeed the most important proponent of that Ghibelline protest against sorcery and priestly rule, which has repeatedly and with unstoppable force erupted from the depths of the Germanic essence of our people. Lutheran Protestantism is a link in the chain of those protestations that constitute the hidden, true history of our people. Only today do we understand the necessity and the intrinsic connection in the appearances of the great Ghibelline revolutionaries of our history: Widukind, the leading emperors of the Papal Wars, Meister Eckhart, Luther, Frederick the Great, Nietzsche. Only today do we become aware that these men were always concerned with one thing: the self-assertion of German substance and thus with the liberation of the German soul from that power which, once reaching northward from the Mediterranean, accomplished the first revolution in our history, that revolution which is only very imperfectly described by the expression "Christianization of the Germanic peoples." “Conversion” is not a “transition” from a state of lower civilization to a state of higher culture, but a life-threatening intervention in the fabric of a tradition and in the rhythm of a great life. The missionaries were agitators under the protection of the authorities. [...] All of Luther's anger was directed against the destruction of the immediate relationship with God by the priest. His Germanic sense of freedom passionately rejected any bond that extended to the innermost depths of the soul and was not an immediate bond with God. Human beings were justified by faith alone, not by sacraments administered by a priest, not by absolutions granted by an earthly authority. And since the highest priest, the representative of Christ on earth, with his entire following, separates the soul from its God, he and no other is the Antichrist. From his theses against Scholasticism and indulgences, through his major Reformation writings "On the Babylonian Captivity of the Church," "On the Freedom of a Christian," and "To the Christian Nobility of the German Nation," to his powerful late work, "Against the Papacy of Rome, Established by the Devil" (1545), Luther tirelessly fought against priestly power. He saw through it to its very core and recognized it as a spiritual and political alien element within the German nation. With this realization, he became, without knowing it or intending it, a champion of the German people's racial self-reflection. His treatise "On the Jews and Their Lies" (1543) also belongs here. How could he have known that priesthood and priestly rule were originally alien to Nordic peoples, that hierarchy was the characteristic creation of the Mediterranean spirit? Without thinking in racial and historical terms, he unconsciously acted as if he had gained the deepest insight into historical contexts.
Source: "Der weltgeschichtliche Wendepunkt des Mittelalters" Der Schulungsbrief. Jahrgang III, Folge 10, October. Franz Eher Nachf Verlag Berlin 1936 p.20
𝔊𝔬𝔱𝔱𝔤𝔩ä𝔲𝔟𝔦𝔤𝔨𝔢𝔦𝔱 | 378 |
| 11 |  𝐓𝐡𝐞 𝐍𝐚𝐲𝐬𝐚𝐲𝐞𝐫𝐬 𝐨𝐧 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐋𝐢𝐠𝐡𝐭𝐡𝐨𝐮𝐬𝐞
It is well known that naysayers and critics are especially fond of picking faults with the Hitler Youth. That such a penchant is the order of the day in the weekly newspaper of the Young Germans, called Junge Front, is likewise known to everyone. In this respect we have by now become fairly thick-skinned and expect no flattery from the newspaper of the Catholic youth organizations. But when the attacks against us cloak themselves in the venerable language of piety, something starts to boil over inside us; so no one should be surprised if we lift the sheep's clothing worn by pious hypocrites, so that we can see the wolf beneath. With the Whitsun issue of Junge Front we find the following: "The Christian stands high above time in the lighthouse of faith." "He will not fall victim to the magic of fleeting youth." "He will not become a member of a transient generation to whom the fleeting light of earthly youth would be owed." "He is a hero and need not fear his own shortcomings." "He is a creator and need not fear for his work." We know that these statements cannot be regarded as measures of state policy. But we keep our eyes open, for we are suspicious of anyone who seeks a position high above the times today, be they christian or Heathen. We young National Socialists have no trust in any christian who is not in the midst of this era, in the midst of our struggle and our joy, especially not when, from this vantage point, he tries to belittle the struggle of German youth with spiteful remarks such as "inadequacy" or "heroic folly." We seek Christians and we have found them who stand with us in the struggle for Germany. We will not allow ourselves to be represented, as the "Young Front" does, by the Roman wanderers of our blood who wasted and contaminated precious German blood in Italy. We prefer to side with Henry the Lion rather than Frederick Barbarossa, with Widukind rather than Charlemagne, with Adolf Hitler rather than the separatist prelate Ludwig Kaas. We have enough comrades from the ranks of Catholic youth among us to know that christians do not stand high above their time on the "lighthouse of faith," but rather right in the midst of their fellow believers. We prefer to follow Nietzsche's words: "Toward New Seas! There—I will go; and from now on I trust myself and my own resolve. Open lies the sea; into the blue my Genoese ship sails. Everything shines before me, new and ever newer; noon slumbers over space and time—only your eye, immense Infinity, gazes upon me!" We sail upon a stormy sea into the vast unknown. We love the struggle and the great danger. Therefore, our socialism should not be ridiculed by, as the "Young Front" does, singling out members of Catholic youth organizations from among the victors of the vocational competitions. [...] We know all too well that it is not the boys and girls still in the ranks of denominational associations who refuse to understand the Führer's will; rather, it is those isolated christians who supposedly want to warn the youth, and especially their parents, from their lofty perch against our movement. German youth, including those in denominational associations, have long since turned inwardly to us. We are the fighters of Adolf Hitler, no matter how skillfully the propaganda funds of certain circles may threaten us with their paper front, even under the most clever religious disguise. We know that newspapers are pulped and turned into rags, and the "Young Front" is also pulped, but the revolutionary German Youth Front in the Hitler Youth will stand and pin the Führer's victory to its banners.
Source: "Kießmacher auf dem Leuchtturm" Wille und Macht Jahrgang 2, Heft 13, July. Deutscher Jugendverlag Berlin 1934 p.22
𝔊𝔬𝔱𝔱𝔤𝔩ä𝔲𝔟𝔦𝔤𝔨𝔢𝔦𝔱 | 378 |
| 12 |  𝐖𝐡𝐲 𝐑𝐚𝐜𝐢𝐚𝐥 𝐝𝐨𝐜𝐭𝐫𝐢𝐧𝐞 𝐢𝐧 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐓𝐡𝐢𝐫𝐝 𝐑𝐞𝐢𝐜𝐡?
National Socialism is applied racial science. The foundation of National Socialism is the concept of blood, that is, the understanding that not only a person's physical appearance, but also their mental and intellectual qualities—above all, their character and capabilities—are blood-bound and hereditary. When we speak of blood in connection with our worldview, we understand it to mean race, the conceptual umbrella term for a group of living beings with the same physical and mental genetic predispositions. Genetic predispositions are the physical, mental, and intellectual traits or characteristics that are passed on to the child in the bloodstream of both parents: the good and the bad. Blood is not promoted as a substance, but for the sake of the performance that springs from the genetic material of pure blood. Good blood creates good performance; therefore, the Jew is the type of racial mixed-race person: incapable of any creative achievement. Character, clarity, and harmony are only possible with pure blood. To be German means to be clear, said the Führer on the Day of German Art; therefore, only those of German blood can be German. The inner, not the outer, nature of a person is decisive in the racial question. This does not mean, however, that physical appearance is irrelevant. A Nordic appearance can generally be interpreted as indicating a Nordic soul and spirit. The German people are a community of people of different but related races, united by their shared language, history, and destiny. The German people are composed of six related races:
1. The Nordic race 55%
2. The Faelic race 2-3%
3. The Dinaric race 15%
4. The East Frisian race 15%
5. The West Frisian race 2-3%
6. The East Baltic race 8%
The Nordic race, which most closely corresponds to our ideals of beauty, forms the fundamental bloodline of the German national body, as almost every German has Nordic blood in them. Furthermore, the Nordic race is the greatest nation-building force within the German national body (proof of this is German history). The purpose of the entire racial doctrine is therefore the preservation and increase of the Nordic bloodline within the German national body. From this arise laws such as:
Sterilization Law of July 14, 1933
Hereditary Health Law of October 18, 1935
Nuremberg Law of October 15, 1935
Reich Citizenship Law of October 15, 1935
The source of healthy blood is the farmer, therefore
Reich Hereditary Farm Law of September 29, 1933
The SS is the shock troop of the blood idea; therefore, within the SS there is selection – engagement order, performance test, ideological training, and military education.
Source: BArch NS 31/253 Schulungsmaterialien zur Rassenfrage Aufgabe Nr.1 "Warum Rassenlehre im dritten Reich" Dachau, am 24.7.1937 p.12-13
𝔊𝔬𝔱𝔱𝔤𝔩ä𝔲𝔟𝔦𝔤𝔨𝔢𝔦𝔱 | 1 015 |
| 13 |  𝐓𝐡𝐞 𝐍𝐞𝐰 𝐓𝐚𝐬𝐤
The full force of our struggle thus far was directed primarily against our domestic political opponents, against everything connected with Marxism and democracy, and so all energies had to be concentrated on these few points. Nevertheless, we were aware from the very first day that these major frontal attacks against the old world were not only being waged on a political level, but also had an ideological character. We were firmly convinced that the aforementioned opponents could not only be overcome with the help of state power, but that above all an internal destruction of all the ideas and thoughts of the Marxist-democratic movement had to provide the guarantee for a lasting victory of National Socialism. For every thesis of Marxism, we therefore countered it with a corresponding thesis. When Marxism, in its most essential point, called for an international movement and denied the nature of race, the struggle began at this crucial juncture, and from the core tenet once formulated as a creed, what we can today proudly call the "National Socialist worldview" developed ever more clearly and logically. Service for this worldview now stands at the center of all our educational work, and the outcome of this work will determine whether National Socialism will go to the grave with our fighting generation, or whether it will, as we believe, truly represent the beginning of a new era. On the shoulders of every National Socialist, therefore, rests an immense responsibility. No matter what position talent and responsibility have assigned him, no matter how high he may stand or how modest his work may be in the larger scheme: everyone must recognize this obligation as his very own duty. Therefore, the value of these training letters will also be measured by whether they are able, continuously and consistently, to develop the ideas of the National Socialist movement and to ingrain them ever more firmly in the hearts and minds of millions. In the following remarks, the intellectual framework of all our work is to be briefly outlined, which all the following issues of this year are intended to fill. [...] The essence of our entire racial science consists in the deeply grounded recognition that it is no coincidence that human beings of very different color and physical constitution walk upon this earth, and that the fact of different cultures thereby finds its symbolic expression. Racial science is therefore not a new materialism, as alleged idealists have claimed in past years, but rather a new science of soul and nature, a new attempt at research to trace the laws of this nature and thus to consciously reintegrate ourselves into a life against which abstract democrats have demonstrated in vain. The political collapse of the peoples existing today results from the fact that blood-alien minds of the world's cities were able to teach and enforce constitutions that did not correspond to the aristocratic laws of Nature. Nature then takes revenge in great catastrophes and eradicates from the face of the earth those who do not wish to recognize their errors. In this connection we recognize that "blood" and "character" are merely two different words for the same essence, and that therefore every race has its soul and every soul its race. The interaction or the disintegration of these two forces determines the life of the individual as well as of entire peoples and groups of peoples. From this single consideration there then follows logically a new evaluation of so-called "world history." From this recognition there is, in fact, no longer any world history in the sense of a supposed plan to which all the destinies of peoples would have to serve. For this "plan" was ultimately only a theoretical assumption of various people, at best a consolation in view of the tragic fate of many nations.
Source: "Die neue Aufgabe" Der Schulungsbrief. Jahrgang 1, Folge 1, March. Franz Eher Nachf Verlag Berlin 1934 p.9
𝔊𝔬𝔱𝔱𝔤𝔩ä𝔲𝔟𝔦𝔤𝔨𝔢𝔦𝔱 | 398 |
| 14 |  𝐆𝐞𝐫𝐦𝐚𝐧𝐢𝐚: 𝐅𝐫𝐨𝐦 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐅𝐚𝐦𝐢𝐥𝐲 𝐭𝐨 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐑𝐞𝐢𝐜𝐡
Doesn't it seem self-evident to us that we bear our father's name, and that the wife takes her husband's name upon marriage? That's how we're used to it, that's what we see all around us, and that's how it's always been; and, to say it right here, that's also how it's natural for us. But this family structure, which is simply called the paternal family, is by no means recognized by all peoples. We know of peoples in which the children bear the mother's name, the man takes his wife's name, thus marrying into her clan; here, it's not the sons but the daughters who continue the family tree, but the sons marry into other families, and the daughters are the heirs. This maternal family has accordingly reversed all our customs; it seems to us like a topsy-turvy world. But to those other peoples, our paternal family will certainly seem completely wrong! Therefore, here too, as in so many other things, there is no universal validity, but only a race-specific attitude. The science of bygone days, which traced developments everywhere, dealt extensively with these mutually opposing conceptions of family. It could be seen from old writers that the maternal family was also formerly common in parts of Europe, and thus it considered the maternal family to be an older state in the development of the concept of family, preceding the paternal family. Furthermore, some, in their conceptual framework, considered "promiscuity," i.e., an unregulated cohabitation without a stable family, to be the oldest state. This developmental sequence was truly the product of a rationalistically minded age of science. [...] Did the Germanic peoples possess a sense of community that transcended the individual tribes? Undoubtedly, yes! Even if no unified Germanic empire existed around the turn of the millennium, and larger alliances and unions were only temporary, the Germanic peoples nevertheless had a sense of unity. This is evident from their tribal saga, which celebrates the origin of a large part of the Germanic people from a single root. Tacitus recounts the content of this saga, which certainly dates back to prehistoric times. In songs, the Germanic peoples celebrate their descent from the earth-born god Tuisto and his son Mannus, from whom the tribal groups of the Ingvaeones, Istvaeones, and Hermiones descended. The Ingvaeones are the Germanic peoples on the North Sea coast, in the Danish islands, and in Scandinavia; the Istvaeones are the westernmost Germanic peoples from the Weser to the Rhine; and the Hermiones are the Germanic peoples on the Elbe. This effectively divides the main part of the Germanic tribes; only the East Germanic tribes, who had settled in the Oder and Vistula regions, are missing. These people had migrated from the north around 100 BC; their compatriots in their northern homeland belonged to the Ingvaeones. According to their own tradition, the Germanic peoples had thus originated on their native soil. Research into Germanic prehistory confirms this picture. The Germanic peoples formed a blood community based on the two light-skinned Nordic races, the Phallian and the Nordic races, which have always belonged together. We find the same people among the ancestors of the Germanic peoples in Indo-European times as well as in the Germanic graves of the Migration Period. They also had a linguistic community, so that the Germanic peoples of the north could still communicate with those on the Rhine around the turn of the millennium. The various modern Germanic languages had not yet developed from dialect differences. Thus, we finally also find a cultural community. Tacitus was able to give a unified picture of the overall culture of the Germanic peoples.
Source: "GERMANIEN VON DER FAMILIE ZUM REICH" Der Schulungsbrief Jahrgang II, Folge 6, June. Franz Eher Nachf Verlag Berlin 1935 p.7
𝔊𝔬𝔱𝔱𝔤𝔩ä𝔲𝔟𝔦𝔤𝔨𝔢𝔦𝔱 | 427 |
| 15 |  𝐓𝐡𝐞 𝐒𝐒 𝐋𝐢𝐬𝐭𝐬 𝐰𝐡𝐲 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐉𝐞𝐰𝐬 𝐚𝐫𝐞 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐠𝐫𝐞𝐚𝐭𝐞𝐬𝐭 𝐭𝐡𝐫𝐞𝐚𝐭
Taken from the SS training materials on the race question, it lists us in detail why Jewry is so harmful to us biologically:
Why is Judaism our greatest enemy?
1. Because Judaism tries to break the fighting spirit, resistance and performance of the Nordic peoples by mixing blood.
2. Because Judaism is a parasite that lives off the work of others and plunders them.
3. Because the enemies of the German people are led by Judaism or are its spiritual children (Marxism, Bolshevism, Freemasonry, Liberalism, Capitalism, Pacifism, Political Church).
Why is Judaism the mortal enemy of Nordic blood?
Because Nordic blood is particularly combative, resilient, and capable, and therefore dangerous to Judaism in its quest for world domination.
Why is Judaism the mortal enemy of German peasantry?
1. Because the German peasant is the embodiment of the opposite of the Jew. The Jew is a rootless parasite, best suited to the big city and international – the peasant is rooted in his soil, committed to hard work, and bound to his ethnicity.
2. Because peasantry is the bloodline of the Nordic race.
Source: BArch NS 31/253 Schulungsmaterialien zur Rassenfrage.- Aufgaben mit Antworten zu Grundfragen der NS-Rassenlehre (mit grundlegendem Befehl der RFSS) p.6-7
𝔊𝔬𝔱𝔱𝔤𝔩ä𝔲𝔟𝔦𝔤𝔨𝔢𝔦𝔱 | 663 |
| 16 |  𝐔𝐧𝐬𝐡𝐚𝐤𝐚𝐛𝐥𝐞 𝐛𝐞𝐥𝐢𝐞𝐟 𝐢𝐧 𝐆𝐨𝐝
Documents from the SS-Hauptamt on instructions for SS naming ceremonies gives a clear purpose on why we should believe in a higher power.
We believe in the God in the Universe, and in the destiny of our German blood, which grows eternally young from German soil. We believe in the people, the bearers of our blood, and in the Führer whom God has appointed for us.
Wir glauben an den Gott im All, und an die Sendung unseres deutschen Blutes das ewig jung aus deutscher Erde wächst. Wir glauben an das Volk, des Blutes Träger und an den Führer, den uns Gott bestimmt
Source: BArch NS 31/311 Anleitung für Gestaltung der SS-Namensweihe, Schulungsmaterialien, SS-Hauptamt p.2
𝔊𝔬𝔱𝔱𝔤𝔩ä𝔲𝔟𝔦𝔤𝔨𝔢𝔦𝔱 | 1 458 |
| 17 |  𝐇𝐢𝐭𝐥𝐞𝐫'𝐬 𝐮𝐧𝐩𝐮𝐛𝐥𝐢𝐬𝐡𝐞𝐝 𝐬𝐞𝐜𝐨𝐧𝐝 𝐛𝐨𝐨𝐤
Ｐａｒｔ （２／２）
Hitler treats population control, emigration, and small-scale internal reform as racially destructive half-measures. Each one "solves" overpopulation only by degrading the quality of the people left behind. So Hitler's argument is obtaining Living space is the only way to do so without sacrificing racial value in accordance with the struggle for existence.
What applies to the individual also applies to nations. A nation is merely a multitude of more or less equal individual beings. Its strength lies in the intrinsic value of the individual beings that constitute it and in the nature and extent of the equality of these values. The same laws that govern the lives of individuals and to which they are subject thus apply to the nation as a whole. Self-preservation and continuation are the great driving forces behind all action, as long as such a body can still claim health. Consequently, the consequences of these general laws of life will be similar for nations as they are for individuals. [...] Countless are the species of all living beings on Earth, each with its own limitless drive for self-preservation and yearning for survival; in contrast, the space on which this entire life process unfolds is limited. It is the surface of a precisely measured sphere on which the struggle of billions upon billions of individual beings for life and its continuation takes place. Within this limitation of habitat lies the compulsion to struggle for survival, but within this struggle for survival lies the prerequisite for evolution.
[1]
Politics is history in the making. History itself is the depiction of the course of a people's struggle for survival. I deliberately use the word "Lebenskampf" here because, in truth, every struggle for daily bread, whether in peace or war, is an eternal battle against countless obstacles, just as life itself is an eternal struggle against death. For why they live, humans know as little as any other creature in the world. Only life is filled with the longing to preserve it. The most primitive creature knows only the instinct for self-preservation; for those of higher status, it extends to wife and child; for those of even higher status, to the entire species. But by seemingly renouncing their own instinct for self-preservation not infrequently for the sake of the species, humans in truth serve it most fully. For it is only in this renunciation of the individual that the granting of life for the whole, and thus ultimately for the individual, often lies. Hence the mother's sudden courage in defending the boys and the man's heroism in protecting his people.
[2]
It can therefore be said in general that limiting the population through hardship and human assistance may achieve an approximate adjustment to the insufficient living space, but it increasingly diminishes the value of the available human material, ultimately leading to its degradation. The second attempt to adjust the population to the available land lies in emigration, which, insofar as it does not occur along tribal lines, also leads to a devaluation of the remaining human material. Restricting births eliminates those who possess the highest qualities, while emigration destroys the value of the average individual.
[3]
Hitler's foreign policy in the rejection of internationalism in favor of a self sustained nation under one banner appears to be the only appropriate solution to not be succumbed by foreign elements found in global trade through capitalism.
Source:
[1] RG 242, T-84, Roll 259 Manuskript Adolf Hitlers zur deutschen Außenpolitik Sommer 1928 p.13
[2] ibid, p.12
[3] ibid, p.33
𝔊𝔬𝔱𝔱𝔤𝔩ä𝔲𝔟𝔦𝔤𝔨𝔢𝔦𝔱 | 541 |
| 18 |  𝐇𝐢𝐭𝐥𝐞𝐫'𝐬 𝐮𝐧𝐩𝐮𝐛𝐥𝐢𝐬𝐡𝐞𝐝 𝐬𝐞𝐜𝐨𝐧𝐝 𝐛𝐨𝐨𝐤
Ｐａｒｔ （１／２）
The book commonly known as Zweites Buch is particularly useful to us because it's Hitler's most systematic and clear statement of his foreign policy. Along with the fact that we have the actual manuscripts of it, Rudolf Hess proves it's authenticity when he mentioned in a 1928 letter that:
On Saturday/Sunday we are going to Berchtesgaden, where I, for my part, must go to see the Tribune [I.e Hitler], who is writing a new, apparently very good book on foreign policy there.
[1]
From this, its easy to infer that the minimum date for it's creation has to be 1928. Hitler's second book provides us arguments for autarky, being against foreign trade, and the biological need for living space.
The bread that a people needs in order to live is determined by the Lebensraum that is available to it. A healthy people, at least, will always attempt to satisfy its needs from its own territory and land. Every other situation is sick and dangerous, even if it enables the nourishment of a people for centuries. World trade, World Economy, tourism, and so on and so forth, are all transient solutions for the nourishment of a people. They are dependent on factors that are in part outside the discretion and in part outside the strength of a people. The most secure basis for the existence of a people has always been its own territory and land.
[2]
Hitler rejected the bourgeois obsession with production/export/import as fundamentally missing the point:
In reality, the German bourgeoisie, along with the so-called national organizations, thinks only in terms of economic policy. Production, export, and import—those are the catchwords they bandy about and from which the future salvation of the nation is promised. They hope, through an increase in production, to raise the export capabilities and thus be able to meet the import needs. They completely forget, however, that this whole problem for Germany, as already emphasized, is not at all a problem of increasing production but a question of sales opportunities.
[3]
Germany decides [its future goal] to adopt a clear, farsighted policy of space. It thus turns away from all world industrial and world trade policy attempts and instead concentrates all of its strength on marking out a way of life for our people through the allocation of adequate Lebensraum for the next one hundred years.
[4]
Hitler argued that the living space in Germany could not be sufficient for the growing population to match productivity. Since according to Hitler that foreign policy would be the execution of biological struggle rooted in natural law, Lebensraum was not merely a political choice but a biological necessity in securing the future of the German Volk from starvation and racial decay.
Source:
[1] Maschinenschriftlicher Brief Rudolf Heß an Klara und Fritz Heß, Alexandrien/Ägypten, München, 28. Juni. 1928. BAR, Bestand J1.211 1989/148, Dossier 41. Schweizerisches Bundesarchiv (BAR), Bern.
[2] RG 242, T-84, Roll 259 Manuskript Adolf Hitlers zur deutschen Außenpolitik Sommer 1928 p.49
[3] ibid, p.144
[4] ibid, p.220
𝔊𝔬𝔱𝔱𝔤𝔩ä𝔲𝔟𝔦𝔤𝔨𝔢𝔦𝔱 | 572 |
| 19 |  𝐓𝐡𝐞 𝐈𝐝𝐞𝐚 𝐨𝐟 𝐖𝐨𝐫𝐥𝐝 𝐃𝐨𝐦𝐢𝐧𝐚𝐭𝐢𝐨𝐧 𝐢𝐧 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐋𝐚𝐬𝐭 𝐌𝐢𝐥𝐥𝐞𝐧𝐧𝐢𝐮𝐦 𝐚𝐧𝐝 𝐈𝐭𝐬 𝐑𝐞𝐩𝐥𝐚𝐜𝐞𝐦𝐞𝐧𝐭 𝐛𝐲 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐎𝐫𝐠𝐚𝐧𝐢𝐜 𝐒𝐭𝐚𝐭𝐞
Human life is an eternal struggle, like Dr Faust's wrestling with good and evil, if it is to be creative and striving forward. This inner struggle is perhaps the truly formative force in the life of an individual. And the more deeply grounded a person is, the more exclusively this constant inner conflict defines their destiny, lifting them beyond the trifles of everyday life, in the generosity of an all-encompassing spirit and personality, to the truly great destinies of existence. Thus, for the heroic individual, struggle and life become one. The same thing confronts us in the history of our German people, and the two political antagonisms around which this creative struggle was waged are worthy of it in their magnitude—on the one hand, the imperial dream of world happiness, and on the other, the deeply rooted nationalism of the two great German peasant peoples, Bavaria and Lower Saxony, both originally united under the Guelph ducal crown. The tragedy of our nation to this day lies in the fact that, from the heroism of Frederick Barbarossa to the cosmopolitan age of African missions and colonial foundations, right up to our present day, this internal struggle for shaping Germany's destiny has not yielded an organic German concept of the state as a guiding principle for the future of our people. For the second time, the Reich collapsed because of this; the collapse of the Hohenstaufen Empire's crusading policies at the end of the 13th century was inevitably followed by that of the modern "crusade-like policies" of the German people before the Great War – will there be another, perhaps final and ultimately devastating collapse of Germany if the "nation of poets and thinkers" does not learn from its own history and recognize the fundamentally correct concept of the state, and if it does not choose to follow the path of the new, National Socialist Third Reich. The Holy Roman Empire of the German Nation pursued a global policy, seeing its true historical task in shaping foreign lands, in which its own people, the Germans, were more of a tool than an end in themselves. The purpose of German policy was not, as we might think, "struggle for living space and the development of the German people," but rather: domestic power, Christianity, world domination. Therefore, tens and hundreds of thousands of Germans had to give their lives on the Crusades. Their blood soaked foreign soil, was uselessly lost to their own people. It did not create new living space from which a new branch of German national identity could have blossomed. [...] The history of recent decades can also prove a blessing for the German people if, from the repetition of the collapse of the old medieval concept of the state, from the catastrophe of an inorganic political idea, they gain the insight that their path must lead them through the rebuilding of a genuine German peasantry; their struggle amidst the world powers can only consist of the internal growth of a healthy German state, independent of foreign influence and the world in its living conditions. Our future course will not be the crusading policies of a bygone millennium, of the Hohenstaufen Empire or the new crown. Now is the time ripe for the organic concept of the state to triumph through the two German peasant peoples, the Bavarians and the Lower Saxons—a political idea that, through the two collapses of the proud empire, now manifests itself in the concept of a German policy toward Eastern Europe. We inscribe on the German people's banner the struggle for our peasant land, the German East of the future.
Source: "Die Weltherrschaftsidee des lezten Jahrtausends und ihre Ablösung durch den organischen Staatsgedanken" Nationalsozialistische Monatshefte Heft 26, Jahrgang 3. May. Franz Eher Nachf Verlag München 1932 p.8
𝔊𝔬𝔱𝔱𝔤𝔩ä𝔲𝔟𝔦𝔤𝔨𝔢𝔦𝔱 | 935 |
| 20 |  𝐓𝐨 𝐋𝐨𝐯𝐞 𝐚𝐧𝐝 𝐭𝐨 𝐅𝐢𝐠𝐡𝐭
Are you surprised that I place these two words side by side, that in the midst of a war to the death I make the unity of love and struggle the basis of my consideration? Do you see a lofty goal in mastering life through love alone and overcoming struggle as something harsh and crude, or do you believe that love has nothing to do with struggle, since struggle can only be sustained by hatred and violence? Perhaps you also believe that struggle is indeed part of life, but that it should only be waged as a spiritual wrestling match for one's own stance or as an intellectual debate about ideas that are meant to bring salvation to humanity. But do you seriously consider it possible that decisions can truly be reached through such a nonviolent struggle? Won't the power against which you believe you can wage this struggle nonviolently ultimately defend itself and force you into powerlessness? Doesn't the exercise of power also belong to the intellectual struggle if it is to achieve truly great goals? Or do you really think that a battle can be won through love and humiliation alone – for example, in the current situation against the Bolsheviks? Or do you consider it likely that a people will win its freedom and its life through his method of nonviolence, the rejection of armed struggle? All these theories of love are weak, feeble, and detached from reality. All this struggle fueled by hatred and envy, which seeks only destruction, is pathetic, inferior, and contemptible. He who loves and is unwilling to fight for his love loves miserably and cowardly. But he who fights, and in that struggle is not carried by ardent love, fights crudely and brutally. Only that love is great, strong, and noble which is prepared to fight—even at the cost of one's own life. And only the fight is pure and just, the one to which a devoted love inspires. He who loves only to possess something, to derive pleasure and joy from the object of his "love," mistakes the shell for the kernel. He who truly loves does not seek to possess, but to serve the object of his love. He is not only concerned with what he himself achieves, but much more so with the well-being, the preservation, and the blissful radiance of that which he loves. For the sake of his love, he is prepared to give himself up, even in the ultimate battle that demands his own life. But the struggle that stems solely from the lust for plunder and possession, or from the greed for dominion, also appears base and cruel. Only through a clear, noble goal that serves life and its pure values is the struggle waged with the means of power ennobled. Thus, the roots of the struggle, however fierce, ultimately rest in love.
Source: "LIEBEN UND KÄMPFEN" Der Schulungsbrief. Jahrgang 10, Folge 11/12. Franz Eher Nachf Verlag Berlin 1943 p.2
𝔊𝔬𝔱𝔱𝔤𝔩ä𝔲𝔟𝔦𝔤𝔨𝔢𝔦𝔱 | 489 |
