Fortissax is Typing II

Dr. Ricardo Duchesne author of Canada in Decay is a member of the Dominion Society. Are you? https://x.com/dr_duchesne/status/2059311389584318947

The Americans have MAiD too, they just call it “medically assisted suicide.” Their blue states allow it. Specifically California, Oregon, Washington, Colorado, Hawaii, New Jersey, Vermont, Maine, New Mexico, and others. They have the worst homelessness crisis in the western world, and the American southwest has been transformed by mass migration. They should stay in their lane. https://x.com/fortysacks/status/2059254420555346181

A nationalism that is ethnic and nativist is stronger, and more natural than one built on racial populism or abstract liberal civic values.

THIS LAND STILL HAS MASTERS

Be bold once more. Believe in Canada. https://x.com/catholiccanuck9/status/2058652959567741118

I find the mistake is assuming they are uniquely responsible for the situation or uniquely capable of controlling its outcome. They are one organised diaspora among many pursuing collective interests within a liberal multicultural framework that long predates them. They attached themselves to institutions and ideologies that benefited their position, just as many other groups have, by default at our expense. That does not mean they created multiculturalism, mass immigration, or postnational liberalism on their own. Those trends emerged from broader Anglo liberal elite politics, managerialism, economic interests, postwar internationalism, and the purposeful suppression of older Canadian identities. Various groups simply learned how to operate effectively within that system. Strategically, turning the entire discussion into a singular obsession with Jews is counterproductive. Most Canadians concerned about national decline are focused on immigration levels, demographic change, housing, social cohesion, and cultural continuity. If the movement becomes defined primarily by hostility toward one group rather than a broader national vision, it will isolate itself and lose legitimacy. The real issue is the system itself and the incentives it creates, not the idea that one diaspora alone secretly controls everything.

A comment on response to my original post.

How do we navigate this when despite now feigning some care for the cause of remigration, when we know that as a group they have a genuine disdain for true nationalism. Publicly attacking them as a group for their part in bringing and aiding these diasporas will alienate the movement from the majority of the populace and possibly get us into legal trouble, like the NSN in Australia and various British nationalists. Yet they have a grip on alternative media, where so if we want to get our message out it seems inevitable that it’s going to be diluted heavily, like in the case of Tommy Robinson and the reform party, to the point it’s hardly nationalist at all. This whole rebel news and Gaad stuff especially seems like a way to get ahead of this so they can dilute the movement so no one ever thinks about giving them the boot. Seems like a loose-loose.

I wait almost rabidly for the near future, when Canadian nationalists can rapidly organise flash mobs to counter every foreign diaspora protest or rally. For every march waving Palestinian, Israeli, Khalistani, Indian, Persian, Russian, or Ukrainian flags, I want them drowned out beneath a sea of Red Ensigns. The message should be unmistakable: this is our land. You are outsiders here, and you are not welcome.

When We Win™️ will see a massive beautification project oriented in the re-territorialization of Canadians. The Guardians of Canada will flank the St. Lawrence River. Wolfe and Montecalm will quietly watching all traffic.

The St. Lawrence River is to Canadian nationalists what Israel is to Jews, Palestine is to Arabs, Punjab is to Khalistanis, or Taiwan is to Chinese communists. It turns out diversity doesn’t work.

Historically the Jewish community in particular held a disdain for French Canadian Catholics. Both groups were intensely ethnocentric and ethno religious communities that openly asserted their collective interests at the expense of others. Both developed a cultural siege mentality shaped by various forms of oppression, whether legitimate or exaggerated, under imperial states. This mattered because both groups wanted discussions of identity and historical grievance centred primarily, if not exclusively, on themselves. Conflict between them was inevitable. From the beginning, when Jewish refugees arrived fleeing Tsarist persecution and the upheavals surrounding the Bolshevik Revolution, many gravitated toward socialist and communist political movements. In Montreal’s now defunct riding of Cartier, the Jewish community elected Fred Rose, the only Communist member of Parliament in Canadian history. He was later denaturalized during the Gouzenko Affair after being implicated in Soviet espionage and the transfer of military technology to the USSR. Unlike in the United States, segments of the Jewish community in Canada were comparatively open about their association with communist politics and their support for a more “inclusive” and “equitable” society. Their historical presence in Canada is also relatively recent, expanding significantly only in the early-mid twentieth century. Prime Minister William Lyon Mackenzie King faced substantial international pressure, particularly from the United States and emerging postwar international institutions, to accept more war refugees after the Second World War. The Jewish community benefited directly from the rise of postwar left liberal progressivism among the Laurentian Elite, although it never succeeded in substantially weakening French Canadian dominance within Quebec itself. The Quiet Revolution ensured that ethnic French Canadians retained control over the provincial state apparatus. To this day, many continue to position themselves within the framework of English language rights and the Anglo Québécois community, despite often supporting Liberal parties at both the provincial and federal levels, which critics argue contributed to the weakening of traditional Anglo Quebec influence. Similar voting and institutional patterns can also be seen among parts of the Italian and Greek diasporas, whose histories in Canada are likewise comparatively recent. Although they did not create Canada’s liberal multicultural mosaic or the broader intellectual foundations of Canadian liberalism associated with figures such as Will Kymlicka, many attached themselves to multicultural initiatives that redirected or weakened older forms of Anglo Canadian identity and nationalism. They promoted inclusivity and multiculturalism in ways that also protected their own group interests, socioeconomic status, and institutional influence. As a result, they developed as one diaspora community among many, alongside others such as Chinese communists, Hindu nationalist Hindutva, Khalistan nationalists, and various Muslim political organizations, all of which pursue collective interests through organized political lobbying and institutional influence at Canadian expense. Going forward, I suspect these tensions will continue to intensify. Canadian nationalism is identitarian, rooted in the ethnocultural core, historical continuity, survivance, antiquity, and identity of the Canadian nation centred along the St. Lawrence River. It is also shaped by the visceral emotions and instincts associated with French Canadian nationalism. This influence exists partly because many Canadian nationalists, including activists, commentators, influencers, and intellectuals, are either partly French Canadian, closely tied to French Canadian society, or have adopted similar conservative, illiberal, nationalist frameworks adapted to Anglo-Canada that historically existed in Ontario and the Maritimes on their own.

“Levant” is not a name that fought in the Battle of Châteauguay. https://x.com/fortysacks/status/2058603213776158754

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