Antifascism

Lenin was clear in 1920: "We are obliged to wage the struggle in Parliament in order to destroy Parliament." This is not a contradiction. It is a tactic. The bourgeois Parliament is not destroyed by ignoring it. It is destroyed by turning it against itself — exposing to the masses what it actually is: the place where capital administers its class interests in the language of universal democracy. The seat as a megaphone, not as a destination. The party as an instrument of class, not as a manager of the system. The moment a movement enters parliament to govern within the bourgeois framework it ceases to be a threat and becomes just another leg of the same table. The real constituent process — not the reform negotiated with financial powers — means rupture. That the accumulation of forces in the electoral, union and territorial terrain reaches the point where the bourgeois legal framework can no longer contain the pressure of class. The workers' movement does not launch electoralist proclamations. It uses elections for what they are: a tool that can be turned against the system when there is real organisation and a class programme behind it. Whoever enters to manage the system loses their sense of class, collective roots, the political culture that makes any real transformation possible. They become a voter. And the voter delegates. And whoever delegates builds nothing.

Take the Sky by Storm. For Real.

The Left: Capital's Leg The left has not failed. It has worked exactly as designed. It is not an emancipatory tool that went wrong along the way. It is a containment tool. Its historical function is not to transform the capitalist order but to guarantee its stability: to give the working class the illusion of representation, absorb social conflict before it becomes dangerous, and legitimise with popular vocabulary decisions that serve capital. Without an institutional left the system stands naked. With it, the worker has a party that speaks about their problems, a union that negotiates on their behalf and a progressive government that promises this time it will be different. The material result does not change. But the pressure does not explode. That is not a failure. That is the success of the mechanism. The left-right dichotomy does not describe two antagonistic projects. It describes two modes of administering the same system. The right does it with austerity and discipline. The left does it with the management of discontent and the co-optation of conflict. Both agree on the fundamentals: private ownership of the means of production, the bourgeois institutional framework and integration into the structures of transnational capital. The left is not the solution. It is part of the architecture of the problem.

Paris Burns. Again. This week Paris burned again. PSG won their second consecutive Champions League and the Champs-Élysées became once more a stage for looting, burning cars, and clashes with police. Over 400 arrested. An officer injured. A bakery destroyed. A restaurant ransacked. The question nobody wants to ask out loud is simple: who does this, and why? These are not workers. There is no labour grievance, no list of demands, no organisation whatsoever. This is the lumpen. What Marx called the lumpenproletariat: the disorganised mass, without class consciousness, without productive roots, without any collective project. People with no trade and no purpose, as it used to be said more plainly than it is today. And here Clouscard intervenes with a precision that makes the culturalist left deeply uncomfortable. For him, capitalism in its seduction phase does not integrate these masses — it needs them disintegrated. The spirit of '68 was the midwife of the new consumer society, incorporating the romantic mythology of rebellion and subversion into the strategies of capitalist expansion. What remained of that in the peripheries was not emancipation. It was a market of desire without access to desire: directionless violence, identity without territory, rage without class. Instead of integrating waves of immigrants into French society, the system chose to isolate them in peripheral neighbourhoods of major cities, creating pockets of unemployment and marginalisation. Second generation, third generation. No real roots in the country where they live, no real connection to the country their families came from. Capital needed them as cheap labour and then abandoned them in the banlieue. Note also where all of this happens. The riots are not in the 16th arrondissement of Paris, where those who actually own the city live. They happen in working-class neighbourhoods, in local shops, in the neighbour's bakery. The lumpen does not attack capital. It destroys what remains of working-class community. That is not class struggle. It is precisely the opposite.

May '68: The Revolution That Never Was There's a poem the contemporary left would rather forget. It was written by Pier Paolo Pasolini, a communist, in January 1968, after the clashes at Valle Giulia in Rome. While everyone was cheering the students, he wrote the opposite. In the poem, Pasolini stated bluntly: "In Valle Giulia, yesterday, we had a fragment of class struggle: and you, friends, though on the side of reason, were the rich, while the police, who were on the wrong side, were the poor." Pasolini pointed out that the children of workers were not among the comfortable, dissatisfied bourgeois university students — they were among the police. The ones throwing cobblestones had the faces of daddy's boys. The ones receiving them came from the outskirts. Clouscard goes further and delivers the structural diagnosis. Faced with the serious ideological drift born of '68, he proposed updating revolutionary theory by taking into account the mutation of the dominant system. His conclusion: '68 was not a revolution. It was a restructuring of capitalism with a rebel aesthetic. With the libertarianism born of May '68, liberalism fulfilled its own concept: the old bourgeois values of saving and sobriety were replaced by a hedonistic and permissive model — a society tailored to the dreams that consumption provides. Sexual liberation, anti-authoritarianism, radical individualism — everything '68 made fashionable did not threaten capital. It accelerated it. When the dust settles after the riots, nothing appears to have changed. The government remains, the ministers, the same officials, the same law, the same regime. But much changes in what comes after: it was a coup within the intellectual establishment, among the mandarins who would decide how we were going to live. That is May '68. Not a proletarian revolution. A bourgeois revolution with borrowed barricades.

🔴⚫ The channel is taking a break cause for personal reasons we don't have much time to devote to. You can continue enjoying the media and news as usual, on the related channels and comrades who do a great job. Of course we would like to thank the people who have been sharing material 🔴⚫ Thank you all, cheers, 161 ✊ t.me/antifaaktie

#acab

30/11/2024 Angers 🇫🇷 Réactivité Antifasciste Angevine après la rencontre d’un faf du RED/Cocarde qui refusa d’assumer ses opinions politiques. Après avoir perdu son iPhone, ses AirPods, sa commande BigM, Gwendal lapina. Angevine Antifascist reactivity after meeting a RED/Cocarde nazi who refused to assume his political opinions. After losing his iPhone, his AirPods and his BigM order, Gwendal ran like a rabbit #TuSeraisPasNaziParHasard #NewRockDansLCrane #TuPerdsTesAirpodsTonIPhoneTesBurgersTuPerdsTout #AngersAntifa #Antifa #Squads

Lesbos, Greece @antifastreet

🔔 #ACAB! #ACAB! 🔔 ⏰ Every day, at 13:12 CET... 🎉 The best moment of the day! 👉 Join the1312Time channel ! 👈 🤖 Share your ACAB memes! 🤖

Some of the Halloween themed posters seen around Sydney

Halloween ACAB pasteup in Santiago, Chile

But what about human nature? Can it be changed? And if not, will it endure under Anarchism? Poor human nature, what horrible crimes have been committed in thy name! Every fool, from king to policeman, from the flatheaded parson to the visionless dabbler in science, presumes to speak authoritatively of human nature. The greater the mental charlatan, the more definite his insistence on the wickedness and weaknesses of human nature. Yet, how can any one speak of it today, with every soul in a prison, with every heart fettered, wounded, and maimed? John Burroughs has stated that experimental study of animals in captivity is absolutely useless. Their character, their habits, their appetites undergo a complete transformation when torn from their soil in field and forest. With human nature caged in a narrow space, whipped daily into submission, how can we speak of its potentialities? Freedom, expansion, opportunity, and, above all, peace and repose, alone can teach us the real dominant factors of human nature and all its wonderful possibilities. Anarchism, then, really stands for the liberation of the human mind from the dominion of religion; the liberation of the human body from the dominion of property; liberation from the shackles and restraint of government. Anarchism stands for a social order based on the free grouping of individuals for the purpose of producing real social wealth; an order that will guarantee to every human being free access to the earth and full enjoyment of the necessities of life, according to individual desires, tastes, and inclinations. This is not a wild fancy or an aberration of the mind. It is the conclusion arrived at by hosts of intellectual men and women the world over; a conclusion resulting from the close and studious observation of the tendencies of modern society: individual liberty and economic equality, the twin forces for the birth of what is fine and true in man.

Emma Goldman, Anarchism and other essays t.me/primalinea161

#GaurkoEgunez 1926an, Anteo Zamboni gazte anarkista Mussolini Italiako diktadore faxista hiltzear egon zen https://labur.eus/OJg9g

"Si no hay continuidad entre resistencia y revolución, el verdadero internacionalismo requiere de nosotros que contribuyamos a la creación de un movimiento revolucionario internacionalista" Visto por León. 🔗 Balaklava (@niblaka)