ᛋ 𝐍𝐒-𝐋𝐈𝐓𝐄𝐑𝐀𝐓𝐔𝐑 ᛋ

𝐖𝐡𝐲 𝐑𝐚𝐜𝐢𝐚𝐥 𝐝𝐨𝐜𝐭𝐫𝐢𝐧𝐞 𝐢𝐧 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐓𝐡𝐢𝐫𝐝 𝐑𝐞𝐢𝐜𝐡?

National Socialism is applied racial science. The foundation of National Socialism is the concept of blood, that is, the understanding that not only a person's physical appearance, but also their mental and intellectual qualities—above all, their character and capabilities—are blood-bound and hereditary. When we speak of blood in connection with our worldview, we understand it to mean race, the conceptual umbrella term for a group of living beings with the same physical and mental genetic predispositions. Genetic predispositions are the physical, mental, and intellectual traits or characteristics that are passed on to the child in the bloodstream of both parents: the good and the bad. Blood is not promoted as a substance, but for the sake of the performance that springs from the genetic material of pure blood. Good blood creates good performance; therefore, the Jew is the type of racial mixed-race person: incapable of any creative achievement. Character, clarity, and harmony are only possible with pure blood. To be German means to be clear, said the Führer on the Day of German Art; therefore, only those of German blood can be German. The inner, not the outer, nature of a person is decisive in the racial question. This does not mean, however, that physical appearance is irrelevant. A Nordic appearance can generally be interpreted as indicating a Nordic soul and spirit. The German people are a community of people of different but related races, united by their shared language, history, and destiny. The German people are composed of six related races: 1. The Nordic race 55% 2. The Faelic race 2-3% 3. The Dinaric race 15% 4. The East Frisian race 15% 5. The West Frisian race 2-3% 6. The East Baltic race 8% The Nordic race, which most closely corresponds to our ideals of beauty, forms the fundamental bloodline of the German national body, as almost every German has Nordic blood in them. Furthermore, the Nordic race is the greatest nation-building force within the German national body (proof of this is German history). The purpose of the entire racial doctrine is therefore the preservation and increase of the Nordic bloodline within the German national body. From this arise laws such as: Sterilization Law of July 14, 1933 Hereditary Health Law of October 18, 1935 Nuremberg Law of October 15, 1935 Reich Citizenship Law of October 15, 1935 The source of healthy blood is the farmer, therefore Reich Hereditary Farm Law of September 29, 1933 The SS is the shock troop of the blood idea; therefore, within the SS there is selection – engagement order, performance test, ideological training, and military education.

Source: BArch NS 31/253 Schulungsmaterialien zur Rassenfrage Aufgabe Nr.1 "Warum Rassenlehre im dritten Reich" Dachau, am 24.7.1937 p.12-13 𝔊𝔬𝔱𝔱𝔤𝔩ä𝔲𝔟𝔦𝔤𝔨𝔢𝔦𝔱

𝐓𝐡𝐞 𝐍𝐞𝐰 𝐓𝐚𝐬𝐤

The full force of our struggle thus far was directed primarily against our domestic political opponents, against everything connected with Marxism and democracy, and so all energies had to be concentrated on these few points. Nevertheless, we were aware from the very first day that these major frontal attacks against the old world were not only being waged on a political level, but also had an ideological character. We were firmly convinced that the aforementioned opponents could not only be overcome with the help of state power, but that above all an internal destruction of all the ideas and thoughts of the Marxist-democratic movement had to provide the guarantee for a lasting victory of National Socialism. For every thesis of Marxism, we therefore countered it with a corresponding thesis. When Marxism, in its most essential point, called for an international movement and denied the nature of race, the struggle began at this crucial juncture, and from the core tenet once formulated as a creed, what we can today proudly call the "National Socialist worldview" developed ever more clearly and logically. Service for this worldview now stands at the center of all our educational work, and the outcome of this work will determine whether National Socialism will go to the grave with our fighting generation, or whether it will, as we believe, truly represent the beginning of a new era. On the shoulders of every National Socialist, therefore, rests an immense responsibility. No matter what position talent and responsibility have assigned him, no matter how high he may stand or how modest his work may be in the larger scheme: everyone must recognize this obligation as his very own duty. Therefore, the value of these training letters will also be measured by whether they are able, continuously and consistently, to develop the ideas of the National Socialist movement and to ingrain them ever more firmly in the hearts and minds of millions. In the following remarks, the intellectual framework of all our work is to be briefly outlined, which all the following issues of this year are intended to fill. [...] The essence of our entire racial science consists in the deeply grounded recognition that it is no coincidence that human beings of very different color and physical constitution walk upon this earth, and that the fact of different cultures thereby finds its symbolic expression. Racial science is therefore not a new materialism, as alleged idealists have claimed in past years, but rather a new science of soul and nature, a new attempt at research to trace the laws of this nature and thus to consciously reintegrate ourselves into a life against which abstract democrats have demonstrated in vain. The political collapse of the peoples existing today results from the fact that blood-alien minds of the world's cities were able to teach and enforce constitutions that did not correspond to the aristocratic laws of Nature. Nature then takes revenge in great catastrophes and eradicates from the face of the earth those who do not wish to recognize their errors. In this connection we recognize that "blood" and "character" are merely two different words for the same essence, and that therefore every race has its soul and every soul its race. The interaction or the disintegration of these two forces determines the life of the individual as well as of entire peoples and groups of peoples. From this single consideration there then follows logically a new evaluation of so-called "world history." From this recognition there is, in fact, no longer any world history in the sense of a supposed plan to which all the destinies of peoples would have to serve. For this "plan" was ultimately only a theoretical assumption of various people, at best a consolation in view of the tragic fate of many nations.

Source: "Die neue Aufgabe" Der Schulungsbrief. Jahrgang 1, Folge 1, March. Franz Eher Nachf Verlag Berlin 1934 p.9 𝔊𝔬𝔱𝔱𝔤𝔩ä𝔲𝔟𝔦𝔤𝔨𝔢𝔦𝔱

𝐆𝐞𝐫𝐦𝐚𝐧𝐢𝐚: 𝐅𝐫𝐨𝐦 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐅𝐚𝐦𝐢𝐥𝐲 𝐭𝐨 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐑𝐞𝐢𝐜𝐡

Doesn't it seem self-evident to us that we bear our father's name, and that the wife takes her husband's name upon marriage? That's how we're used to it, that's what we see all around us, and that's how it's always been; and, to say it right here, that's also how it's natural for us. But this family structure, which is simply called the paternal family, is by no means recognized by all peoples. We know of peoples in which the children bear the mother's name, the man takes his wife's name, thus marrying into her clan; here, it's not the sons but the daughters who continue the family tree, but the sons marry into other families, and the daughters are the heirs. This maternal family has accordingly reversed all our customs; it seems to us like a topsy-turvy world. But to those other peoples, our paternal family will certainly seem completely wrong! Therefore, here too, as in so many other things, there is no universal validity, but only a race-specific attitude. The science of bygone days, which traced developments everywhere, dealt extensively with these mutually opposing conceptions of family. It could be seen from old writers that the maternal family was also formerly common in parts of Europe, and thus it considered the maternal family to be an older state in the development of the concept of family, preceding the paternal family. Furthermore, some, in their conceptual framework, considered "promiscuity," i.e., an unregulated cohabitation without a stable family, to be the oldest state. This developmental sequence was truly the product of a rationalistically minded age of science. [...] Did the Germanic peoples possess a sense of community that transcended the individual tribes? Undoubtedly, yes! Even if no unified Germanic empire existed around the turn of the millennium, and larger alliances and unions were only temporary, the Germanic peoples nevertheless had a sense of unity. This is evident from their tribal saga, which celebrates the origin of a large part of the Germanic people from a single root. Tacitus recounts the content of this saga, which certainly dates back to prehistoric times. In songs, the Germanic peoples celebrate their descent from the earth-born god Tuisto and his son Mannus, from whom the tribal groups of the Ingvaeones, Istvaeones, and Hermiones descended. The Ingvaeones are the Germanic peoples on the North Sea coast, in the Danish islands, and in Scandinavia; the Istvaeones are the westernmost Germanic peoples from the Weser to the Rhine; and the Hermiones are the Germanic peoples on the Elbe. This effectively divides the main part of the Germanic tribes; only the East Germanic tribes, who had settled in the Oder and Vistula regions, are missing. These people had migrated from the north around 100 BC; their compatriots in their northern homeland belonged to the Ingvaeones. According to their own tradition, the Germanic peoples had thus originated on their native soil. Research into Germanic prehistory confirms this picture. The Germanic peoples formed a blood community based on the two light-skinned Nordic races, the Phallian and the Nordic races, which have always belonged together. We find the same people among the ancestors of the Germanic peoples in Indo-European times as well as in the Germanic graves of the Migration Period. They also had a linguistic community, so that the Germanic peoples of the north could still communicate with those on the Rhine around the turn of the millennium. The various modern Germanic languages ​​had not yet developed from dialect differences. Thus, we finally also find a cultural community. Tacitus was able to give a unified picture of the overall culture of the Germanic peoples.

Source: "GERMANIEN VON DER FAMILIE ZUM REICH" Der Schulungsbrief Jahrgang II, Folge 6, June. Franz Eher Nachf Verlag Berlin 1935 p.7 𝔊𝔬𝔱𝔱𝔤𝔩ä𝔲𝔟𝔦𝔤𝔨𝔢𝔦𝔱

𝐓𝐡𝐞 𝐒𝐒 𝐋𝐢𝐬𝐭𝐬 𝐰𝐡𝐲 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐉𝐞𝐰𝐬 𝐚𝐫𝐞 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐠𝐫𝐞𝐚𝐭𝐞𝐬𝐭 𝐭𝐡𝐫𝐞𝐚𝐭 Taken from the SS training materials on the race question, it lists us in detail why Jewry is so harmful to us biologically:

Why is Judaism our greatest enemy? 1. Because Judaism tries to break the fighting spirit, resistance and performance of the Nordic peoples by mixing blood. 2. Because Judaism is a parasite that lives off the work of others and plunders them. 3. Because the enemies of the German people are led by Judaism or are its spiritual children (Marxism, Bolshevism, Freemasonry, Liberalism, Capitalism, Pacifism, Political Church). Why is Judaism the mortal enemy of Nordic blood? Because Nordic blood is particularly combative, resilient, and capable, and therefore dangerous to Judaism in its quest for world domination. Why is Judaism the mortal enemy of German peasantry? 1. Because the German peasant is the embodiment of the opposite of the Jew. The Jew is a rootless parasite, best suited to the big city and international – the peasant is rooted in his soil, committed to hard work, and bound to his ethnicity. 2. Because peasantry is the bloodline of the Nordic race.

Source: BArch NS 31/253 Schulungsmaterialien zur Rassenfrage.- Aufgaben mit Antworten zu Grundfragen der NS-Rassenlehre (mit grundlegendem Befehl der RFSS) p.6-7 𝔊𝔬𝔱𝔱𝔤𝔩ä𝔲𝔟𝔦𝔤𝔨𝔢𝔦𝔱

𝐔𝐧𝐬𝐡𝐚𝐤𝐚𝐛𝐥𝐞 𝐛𝐞𝐥𝐢𝐞𝐟 𝐢𝐧 𝐆𝐨𝐝 Documents from the SS-Hauptamt on instructions for SS naming ceremonies gives a clear purpose on why we should believe in a higher power.

We believe in the God in the Universe, and in the destiny of our German blood, which grows eternally young from German soil. We believe in the people, the bearers of our blood, and in the Führer whom God has appointed for us.

Wir glauben an den Gott im All, und an die Sendung unseres deutschen Blutes das ewig jung aus deutscher Erde wächst. Wir glauben an das Volk, des Blutes Träger und an den Führer, den uns Gott bestimmt

Source: BArch NS 31/311 Anleitung für Gestaltung der SS-Namensweihe, Schulungsmaterialien, SS-Hauptamt p.2 𝔊𝔬𝔱𝔱𝔤𝔩ä𝔲𝔟𝔦𝔤𝔨𝔢𝔦𝔱

𝐇𝐢𝐭𝐥𝐞𝐫'𝐬 𝐮𝐧𝐩𝐮𝐛𝐥𝐢𝐬𝐡𝐞𝐝 𝐬𝐞𝐜𝐨𝐧𝐝 𝐛𝐨𝐨𝐤 Ｐａｒｔ （２／２） Hitler treats population control, emigration, and small-scale internal reform as racially destructive half-measures. Each one "solves" overpopulation only by degrading the quality of the people left behind. So Hitler's argument is obtaining Living space is the only way to do so without sacrificing racial value in accordance with the struggle for existence.

What applies to the individual also applies to nations. A nation is merely a multitude of more or less equal individual beings. Its strength lies in the intrinsic value of the individual beings that constitute it and in the nature and extent of the equality of these values. The same laws that govern the lives of individuals and to which they are subject thus apply to the nation as a whole. Self-preservation and continuation are the great driving forces behind all action, as long as such a body can still claim health. Consequently, the consequences of these general laws of life will be similar for nations as they are for individuals. [...] Countless are the species of all living beings on Earth, each with its own limitless drive for self-preservation and yearning for survival; in contrast, the space on which this entire life process unfolds is limited. It is the surface of a precisely measured sphere on which the struggle of billions upon billions of individual beings for life and its continuation takes place. Within this limitation of habitat lies the compulsion to struggle for survival, but within this struggle for survival lies the prerequisite for evolution.

[1]

Politics is history in the making. History itself is the depiction of the course of a people's struggle for survival. I deliberately use the word "Lebenskampf" here because, in truth, every struggle for daily bread, whether in peace or war, is an eternal battle against countless obstacles, just as life itself is an eternal struggle against death. For why they live, humans know as little as any other creature in the world. Only life is filled with the longing to preserve it. The most primitive creature knows only the instinct for self-preservation; for those of higher status, it extends to wife and child; for those of even higher status, to the entire species. But by seemingly renouncing their own instinct for self-preservation not infrequently for the sake of the species, humans in truth serve it most fully. For it is only in this renunciation of the individual that the granting of life for the whole, and thus ultimately for the individual, often lies. Hence the mother's sudden courage in defending the boys and the man's heroism in protecting his people.

[2]

It can therefore be said in general that limiting the population through hardship and human assistance may achieve an approximate adjustment to the insufficient living space, but it increasingly diminishes the value of the available human material, ultimately leading to its degradation. The second attempt to adjust the population to the available land lies in emigration, which, insofar as it does not occur along tribal lines, also leads to a devaluation of the remaining human material. Restricting births eliminates those who possess the highest qualities, while emigration destroys the value of the average individual.

[3] Hitler's foreign policy in the rejection of internationalism in favor of a self sustained nation under one banner appears to be the only appropriate solution to not be succumbed by foreign elements found in global trade through capitalism. Source: [1] RG 242, T-84, Roll 259 Manuskript Adolf Hitlers zur deutschen Außenpolitik Sommer 1928 p.13 [2] ibid, p.12 [3] ibid, p.33 𝔊𝔬𝔱𝔱𝔤𝔩ä𝔲𝔟𝔦𝔤𝔨𝔢𝔦𝔱

𝐇𝐢𝐭𝐥𝐞𝐫'𝐬 𝐮𝐧𝐩𝐮𝐛𝐥𝐢𝐬𝐡𝐞𝐝 𝐬𝐞𝐜𝐨𝐧𝐝 𝐛𝐨𝐨𝐤 Ｐａｒｔ （１／２） The book commonly known as Zweites Buch is particularly useful to us because it's Hitler's most systematic and clear statement of his foreign policy. Along with the fact that we have the actual manuscripts of it, Rudolf Hess proves it's authenticity when he mentioned in a 1928 letter that:

On Saturday/Sunday we are going to Berchtesgaden, where I, for my part, must go to see the Tribune [I.e Hitler], who is writing a new, apparently very good book on foreign policy there.

[1] From this, its easy to infer that the minimum date for it's creation has to be 1928. Hitler's second book provides us arguments for autarky, being against foreign trade, and the biological need for living space.

The bread that a people needs in order to live is determined by the Lebensraum that is available to it. A healthy people, at least, will always attempt to satisfy its needs from its own territory and land. Every other situation is sick and dangerous, even if it enables the nourishment of a people for centuries. World trade, World Economy, tourism, and so on and so forth, are all transient solutions for the nourishment of a people. They are dependent on factors that are in part outside the discretion and in part outside the strength of a people. The most secure basis for the existence of a people has always been its own territory and land.

[2] Hitler rejected the bourgeois obsession with production/export/import as fundamentally missing the point:

In reality, the German bourgeoisie, along with the so-called national organizations, thinks only in terms of economic policy. Production, export, and import—those are the catchwords they bandy about and from which the future salvation of the nation is promised. They hope, through an increase in production, to raise the export capabilities and thus be able to meet the import needs. They completely forget, however, that this whole problem for Germany, as already emphasized, is not at all a problem of increasing production but a question of sales opportunities.

[3]

Germany decides [its future goal] to adopt a clear, farsighted policy of space. It thus turns away from all world industrial and world trade policy attempts and instead concentrates all of its strength on marking out a way of life for our people through the allocation of adequate Lebensraum for the next one hundred years.

[4] Hitler argued that the living space in Germany could not be sufficient for the growing population to match productivity. Since according to Hitler that foreign policy would be the execution of biological struggle rooted in natural law, Lebensraum was not merely a political choice but a biological necessity in securing the future of the German Volk from starvation and racial decay. Source: [1] Maschinenschriftlicher Brief Rudolf Heß an Klara und Fritz Heß, Alexandrien/Ägypten, München, 28. Juni. 1928. BAR, Bestand J1.211 1989/148, Dossier 41. Schweizerisches Bundesarchiv (BAR), Bern. [2] RG 242, T-84, Roll 259 Manuskript Adolf Hitlers zur deutschen Außenpolitik Sommer 1928 p.49 [3] ibid, p.144 [4] ibid, p.220 𝔊𝔬𝔱𝔱𝔤𝔩ä𝔲𝔟𝔦𝔤𝔨𝔢𝔦𝔱

𝐓𝐡𝐞 𝐈𝐝𝐞𝐚 𝐨𝐟 𝐖𝐨𝐫𝐥𝐝 𝐃𝐨𝐦𝐢𝐧𝐚𝐭𝐢𝐨𝐧 𝐢𝐧 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐋𝐚𝐬𝐭 𝐌𝐢𝐥𝐥𝐞𝐧𝐧𝐢𝐮𝐦 𝐚𝐧𝐝 𝐈𝐭𝐬 𝐑𝐞𝐩𝐥𝐚𝐜𝐞𝐦𝐞𝐧𝐭 𝐛𝐲 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐎𝐫𝐠𝐚𝐧𝐢𝐜 𝐒𝐭𝐚𝐭𝐞

Human life is an eternal struggle, like Dr Faust's wrestling with good and evil, if it is to be creative and striving forward. This inner struggle is perhaps the truly formative force in the life of an individual. And the more deeply grounded a person is, the more exclusively this constant inner conflict defines their destiny, lifting them beyond the trifles of everyday life, in the generosity of an all-encompassing spirit and personality, to the truly great destinies of existence. Thus, for the heroic individual, struggle and life become one. The same thing confronts us in the history of our German people, and the two political antagonisms around which this creative struggle was waged are worthy of it in their magnitude—on the one hand, the imperial dream of world happiness, and on the other, the deeply rooted nationalism of the two great German peasant peoples, Bavaria and Lower Saxony, both originally united under the Guelph ducal crown. The tragedy of our nation to this day lies in the fact that, from the heroism of Frederick Barbarossa to the cosmopolitan age of African missions and colonial foundations, right up to our present day, this internal struggle for shaping Germany's destiny has not yielded an organic German concept of the state as a guiding principle for the future of our people. For the second time, the Reich collapsed because of this; the collapse of the Hohenstaufen Empire's crusading policies at the end of the 13th century was inevitably followed by that of the modern "crusade-like policies" of the German people before the Great War – will there be another, perhaps final and ultimately devastating collapse of Germany if the "nation of poets and thinkers" does not learn from its own history and recognize the fundamentally correct concept of the state, and if it does not choose to follow the path of the new, National Socialist Third Reich. The Holy Roman Empire of the German Nation pursued a global policy, seeing its true historical task in shaping foreign lands, in which its own people, the Germans, were more of a tool than an end in themselves. The purpose of German policy was not, as we might think, "struggle for living space and the development of the German people," but rather: domestic power, Christianity, world domination. Therefore, tens and hundreds of thousands of Germans had to give their lives on the Crusades. Their blood soaked foreign soil, was uselessly lost to their own people. It did not create new living space from which a new branch of German national identity could have blossomed. [...] The history of recent decades can also prove a blessing for the German people if, from the repetition of the collapse of the old medieval concept of the state, from the catastrophe of an inorganic political idea, they gain the insight that their path must lead them through the rebuilding of a genuine German peasantry; their struggle amidst the world powers can only consist of the internal growth of a healthy German state, independent of foreign influence and the world in its living conditions. Our future course will not be the crusading policies of a bygone millennium, of the Hohenstaufen Empire or the new crown. Now is the time ripe for the organic concept of the state to triumph through the two German peasant peoples, the Bavarians and the Lower Saxons—a political idea that, through the two collapses of the proud empire, now manifests itself in the concept of a German policy toward Eastern Europe. We inscribe on the German people's banner the struggle for our peasant land, the German East of the future.

Source: "Die Weltherrschaftsidee des lezten Jahrtausends und ihre Ablösung durch den organischen Staatsgedanken" Nationalsozialistische Monatshefte Heft 26, Jahrgang 3. May. Franz Eher Nachf Verlag München 1932 p.8 𝔊𝔬𝔱𝔱𝔤𝔩ä𝔲𝔟𝔦𝔤𝔨𝔢𝔦𝔱

𝐓𝐨 𝐋𝐨𝐯𝐞 𝐚𝐧𝐝 𝐭𝐨 𝐅𝐢𝐠𝐡𝐭

Are you surprised that I place these two words side by side, that in the midst of a war to the death I make the unity of love and struggle the basis of my consideration? Do you see a lofty goal in mastering life through love alone and overcoming struggle as something harsh and crude, or do you believe that love has nothing to do with struggle, since struggle can only be sustained by hatred and violence? Perhaps you also believe that struggle is indeed part of life, but that it should only be waged as a spiritual wrestling match for one's own stance or as an intellectual debate about ideas that are meant to bring salvation to humanity. But do you seriously consider it possible that decisions can truly be reached through such a nonviolent struggle? Won't the power against which you believe you can wage this struggle nonviolently ultimately defend itself and force you into powerlessness? Doesn't the exercise of power also belong to the intellectual struggle if it is to achieve truly great goals? Or do you really think that a battle can be won through love and humiliation alone – for example, in the current situation against the Bolsheviks? Or do you consider it likely that a people will win its freedom and its life through his method of nonviolence, the rejection of armed struggle? All these theories of love are weak, feeble, and detached from reality. All this struggle fueled by hatred and envy, which seeks only destruction, is pathetic, inferior, and contemptible. He who loves and is unwilling to fight for his love loves miserably and cowardly. But he who fights, and in that struggle is not carried by ardent love, fights crudely and brutally. Only that love is great, strong, and noble which is prepared to fight—even at the cost of one's own life. And only the fight is pure and just, the one to which a devoted love inspires. He who loves only to possess something, to derive pleasure and joy from the object of his "love," mistakes the shell for the kernel. He who truly loves does not seek to possess, but to serve the object of his love. He is not only concerned with what he himself achieves, but much more so with the well-being, the preservation, and the blissful radiance of that which he loves. For the sake of his love, he is prepared to give himself up, even in the ultimate battle that demands his own life. But the struggle that stems solely from the lust for plunder and possession, or from the greed for dominion, also appears base and cruel. Only through a clear, noble goal that serves life and its pure values ​​is the struggle waged with the means of power ennobled. Thus, the roots of the struggle, however fierce, ultimately rest in love.

Source: "LIEBEN UND KÄMPFEN" Der Schulungsbrief. Jahrgang 10, Folge 11/12. Franz Eher Nachf Verlag Berlin 1943 p.2 𝔊𝔬𝔱𝔱𝔤𝔩ä𝔲𝔟𝔦𝔤𝔨𝔢𝔦𝔱

𝐒𝐩𝐢𝐫𝐢𝐭 𝐚𝐧𝐝 𝐀𝐧𝐜𝐞𝐬𝐭𝐨𝐫𝐬 𝐟𝐫𝐨𝐦 𝐭𝐡𝐞 ᛋᛋ

The spirit of our ancestors is the spirit of God. Because a noble being like humans can only come from the divine. The eternal life force is the divine primal force. We will pass on this spirit of our earliest ancestors to our descendants, just as it came to us. The energy of our ancestors has entered us and so we take action. So we rise to unite with the peoples of like blood, so that the Nordic spirit, the spirit of ever-new birthing life, may be protected against the spirit of destruction that threatens from the East.

Source: BArch N 756/336b Sennheim. SS-Ausbildungslager, Herausgeber: SS-Hauptamt/Germanische Leitstelle/SS-Ausbildungslager Sennheim p.50 𝔊𝔬𝔱𝔱𝔤𝔩ä𝔲𝔟𝔦𝔤𝔨𝔢𝔦𝔱

𝐍𝐚𝐭𝐢𝐨𝐧𝐚𝐥 𝐒𝐨𝐜𝐢𝐚𝐥𝐢𝐬𝐦 𝐕𝐬 𝐅𝐚𝐬𝐜𝐢𝐬𝐦 Ｐａｒｔ （２／２） When we look at the contemporary literature on the Matter, it appears to be in complete agreement. The SS published a special edition article specifically tackling this issue on National Socialism and Fascism. Titled "Faschismus und Nationalsozialismus", in which it read:

To summarize the difference between fascism and National Socialism in a nutshell, one could say: National Socialism is a political movement with a worldview based on the concept of nation and race, drawing the corresponding conclusions for political necessities in the given historical situation from its insights into the laws of life. Fascism, on the other hand, possesses no worldview, but only a political doctrine, that is, a set of principles underlying the development of political activity within fascist thought. Mussolini himself formulated the fundamental doctrine of this kind in 1932. For fascism, there are no fixed and lasting ideological commitments; rather, its approach considers all political and social life to be subject to a historical process of development and the respective intervention of human political activity. [...] The difference between the National Socialist worldview and fascist doctrine is particularly evident in the conception of state and people and their relationship to one another. Here it becomes clear that fascist doctrine does not recognize the inherent nature of people and race as National Socialism does. National Socialism views the people as an independent entity based on their racial characteristics, existing as a natural community separate from the state. For National Socialism, the people are therefore central to its thought and action and, grounded in racial ideology, represent the highest value, in comparison to which the state has only a utilitarian, secondary significance. In fascism, the relationship between state and people is fundamentally different. The state is at the center of all thought. The people are subordinate to and integrated into the state. Fascism does not recognize an independent political concept of the people, separate from the concept of the state. According to fascist thought, the people can only achieve political unity through the state and the formation of state power. The relationship between state and people is compared to that between mind and body. The state is, in a sense, the spirit of the people, guiding them and driving them to action. The concept of the nation, which plays such a significant role in fascist doctrine, is also closely tied to the state and does not denote an independent entity in relation to it. Fascism sees the nation as a multitude of social forces that must first be disciplined and unified by the state.

[1] Lastly, we can see from Italian author Guido Bortolotto who was a trustee in the Gruppi Universitari Fascisti (GUF) published in 1933 on the topic of NS and Fascism. In it, lays out the same difference as pointed out by the National Socialists:

The National Socialists based their idea of nationhood on what is commonly referred to as the myth of blood. They say: “A new history begins when one race remains victorious over another.” We say: “A new history begins when a new culture enters the life of a people.” They say: “It is necessary to live a myth and create a type, in order to build the state and existence upon it.” We say: “It is necessary to maintain a tradition and create a doctrine and a culture upon which the state and existence can be built.”

[2] If you were to truly care of the purity of the National Socialist worldview, then one must also advocate for its doctrinal purity. Fascism is not National Socialism because it does not recognize the fundamental aspect of race in all affairs. By Hitler's logic, Fascism at its core lacks personality. Source: [1] BArch NS 1/1117 Reichsführer-SS und SS-Hauptamt (Hrsg.): Sonderdruck. Faschismus und Nationalsozialismus p.102-104 [2] Fascismo e nazionalsocialismo Guido Bortolotto (1933) NICOLA ZANICHELLI EDITORE p.49 𝔊𝔬𝔱𝔱𝔤𝔩ä𝔲𝔟𝔦𝔤𝔨𝔢𝔦𝔱

𝐍𝐚𝐭𝐢𝐨𝐧𝐚𝐥 𝐒𝐨𝐜𝐢𝐚𝐥𝐢𝐬𝐦 𝐕𝐬 𝐅𝐚𝐬𝐜𝐢𝐬𝐦 Ｐａｒｔ （１／２） A common misconception within circles of the Third Position is the equation between National Socialism and Fascism. In short, they are not the same in doctrine, but rather distinct in a major area such as state formation. One is of exclusively racial foundations and the other on cultural/historical identity. Let's now go over the primary source documents. In a 1944 speech from Hitler, he said:

However, one must first form this state-within-the-state in order to then take over the state. Fascism got the power after barely a few years with 30 to 40 000 members. Therefore, it remained a pure state administration and did not become a people's leadership. It did not organize in itself the new people's community and take over the state through it, but used the existing apparatus. It did not succeed in establishing a new leadership of the people in such a way that the people were attached to it. Therefore, it did not solve the social question in any way. It has not even tried to solve it.

[1] Based on the quote above, Hitler describes Fascism as superficial instead of being a complete transformation of state and people. In other words, National Socialism is an all encompassing worldview with Fascism being a Political-Social ideology. Rosenberg had too made a similar comment on the practice of Fascism:

Fascism was a political and social revolution; it did not want to address worldview questions. [...] The collapse of Italy confirmed the racial doctrine. Ancient Rome perished due to racial degeneration. Northern Italy: The Germanic blood share created the Renaissance, later Fascism.

[2] In the same year as Rosenberg, Himmler too had given a speech which made this distinction:

All over the world in Germany, of course, primarily people who were not our friends came forward and said: "So, a Duce can be arrested? Interesting! How interesting! He can be arrested right there on the spot! Fascism is over! Badoglio is just a northerner, and so it all collapses!" They hadn't considered that fascism and National Socialism are not one and the same, that for all the veneration of the Duce, who is a solitary figure among his people, a Duce like Benito Mussolini simply cannot be mentioned in the same breath as the Führer.

[3] Why exactly do they get mixed up? Historically, the kinship between National Socialism and Fascism shows itself in the fight against the Marxist movement, Freemasonry, and the totality of the state. This often mistakes the common reader that both are similar in theory if not the same if one were to not look into their contemporary literature. Source: [1] BArch NS 6/777 Ansprachen Hitlers vor Feldmarschällen und Generälen am 27. Jan. 1944 in der Wolfsschanze p.75 [2] BArch NS 22/1240 Rede Alfred Rosenbergs auf der Reichsfeier in Speyer. (3.11.43) p.13 [3] BArch NS 19/4010 Rede vor den Reichs- und Gauleitern in Posen, 6. Okt. 1943 p.361 𝔊𝔬𝔱𝔱𝔤𝔩ä𝔲𝔟𝔦𝔤𝔨𝔢𝔦𝔱

𝐎𝐮𝐫 𝐒𝐭𝐫𝐮𝐠𝐠𝐥𝐞

Our struggle for survival is only one part of the general law of struggle inherent in life, in a sense its unmasked and clear application to our time. A development that, solely at the expense of life itself and the most valuable national forces, brought our people to the brink of ruin, was halted by the fact that, in the National Socialist movement, through the clearest understanding of its worldview and its most forceful and effective implementation in reality, the fundamental laws of life were once again brought to the fore. That struggle, one of the greatest of these laws of life, is often the decisive factor is already confirmed by the cycles and changes of nature. Actions of conflict that take place in the immediate vicinity of such historical insight are always perceived by people, or at least by their capable leaders, as a struggle of destiny, that is, as an unavoidable decision that must be made in order to assert the right to life and the possibility of life. Today's struggle, which cannot be assessed after only a few years but is already illuminated by the First World War, is ultimately a struggle for the assertion of our existence and thus, at the same time, of our species. This clear realization must not hide behind any historical slogans. The decision is about the assertion of our lives and the possibility of that life having an effect. Against the Reich and Europe, the plutocratic will to world domination in the West and Bolshevik imperialism in the East united in an attempt at a massive encirclement of our continent. The Reich is not synonymous with Europe, but it is conceived as a European entity and is the bearer of order on this continent. History testifies that Germany has always been the shield and also the heart of resistance against the East and the threat of the destruction of European cultural strength, ever since it succeeded ancient Greece and Rome in this role. The Reich is a historical form of order and transcends the National Socialist imprint by assigning the German people further tasks as bearers of greater responsibility. In the truest sense, as a structured multiplicity and under the guiding principle of unity, like a family, "Europe" stands out as something special. From Nordic racial strength, it has revealed the greatest testimonies of its will to order and its earthly religiosity. This human and essential content shines forth from the beauty of its art, from the clarity of its state power and its strict justice, as well as from the Faustian desire to explore the knowable and yet, in wise contemplation of God, to revere the unknowable. In the context of the struggle for survival, the primary objective is, of course, the military and political assertion of the community of awakened European peoples under the leadership of the Axis. A crucial complement to this assertion is the economic resilience of our fighting community. Only within this resilience can space and expression be created for our inherent task of maintaining order. This is not simply the struggle of two animals over a food bowl, but rather, in the struggle against foreign forces and objectives, our own heroic consciousness is fulfilled. This fundamentally vital, driving force of our being becomes all the more apparent when looking back at the great German historical examples of shaping the Eastern world, where Germanic and Western power, emerging from disorder and against the threatening and destructive forces, forged a new world order with decisiveness and discipline, and without yearning for salvation in the afterlife. [...] The Reich, as the embodiment of our race's will to order, extends in vibrant reality as far as the bearers of our blood grasp and shape this continent and its economic sphere of influence, and radiate this power into the surrounding regions.

Source: "Unser Kampf" Der Schulungsbrief. Jahrgang 10, Folge 5/6. Franz Eher Nachf Verlag Berlin 1943 p.2 𝔊𝔬𝔱𝔱𝔤𝔩ä𝔲𝔟𝔦𝔤𝔨𝔢𝔦𝔱

𝐓𝐡𝐞 𝐓𝐫𝐚𝐢𝐧𝐢𝐧𝐠 𝐨𝐟 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐆𝐞𝐫𝐦𝐚𝐧 𝐕𝐨𝐥𝐤

Our Führer and Chancellor recently stated: “The training and education of the entire German people in the worldview of National Socialism is and can only be the responsibility of our Party.” It is his wish that comprehensive ideological training be conducted in all German regions, down to the lowest party units; for it is essential to so firmly establish all Party members in National Socialism that they are capable of winning over even those who are skeptical or distrustful to our cause. Only in this way can and will our idea become the common property of the entire German people. It has already gripped by far the largest and most valuable part of our people. Our revolution, with its powerful and healthy momentum, has captivated almost all Germans. This fact, however, must not lead to any misconception; for in its innermost core and essence, National Socialism is still not understood by a great many. The task of the National Socialist activists, united in the firm bloc of our party, is to deepen National Socialism everywhere, but especially to educate the millions of working German comrades united in the German Labor Front to become National Socialists. The old party comrades are the guarantors of our revolution and thus the strongest pillars of the nation. In particular, every public official and administrator must be trained to be a leader and educator, in short, an officer of the German people. Through their unwavering fulfillment of duty, they must one day become a historical figure just as the Prussian civil servants, raised under Frederick the Great with a pronounced sense of duty, did. This can only be achieved through intensive ideological training and consolidation of our leaders at all levels. Training extends from top to bottom, i.e., from the Reich leadership down to the lowest level of the Party Organization (PO) and the National Socialist Factory Cell Organization (NSBO). While the methods vary, the effect is the same, as 80% of it is based on ideology. A Reich Training Office was established within the highest leadership of the PO, headed by the Reich Training Director. This office also serves as the Reich Training Office of the German Labor Front. The Director oversees training throughout the Reich, down to the lowest party unit and factory cell. All organizational aspects of all training methods and plans converge in his hands. All schools are subordinate to him. He thus bears full responsibility. He issues training letters (Der Schulungsbrief) every eight to fourteen days, which are distributed to the lowest levels of the Party, the NSBO, and the German Labor Front. These training letters generally contain ideological statements by prominent Party leaders. They also address current events and new laws in an explanatory and easily understandable way. The most intensive training and education takes place in courses lasting several weeks. Schools are established for this purpose: a) The Reich School of the Party and the German Labor Front in Bernau. Here, high-ranking officials and civil servants of the Party and the NSBO ​​(National Socialist Factory Cell Organization) are trained in four-week courses, starting at the district leadership level. They are then expected to continue their work in their respective fields based on the suggestions and principles they have received. This applies to Party officials and civil servants within the Party organizations, and to NSBO ​​civil servants, especially within the German Labor Front. The Reich School receives participants from all parts of the Reich. b) The State Leadership Schools I, II, III, and IV in Königswinter, Lobeda near Jena, Plassenburg near Kulmbach, and Wischwitz near Breslau. These schools offer three-week courses for party officials of all ranks from the districts assigned to the individual State Leadership Schools.

Source: "Schulung des deutschen Volkes" Der Schulungsbrief Jahrgang 1, Folge 2. Franz Eher Nachf Verlag Berlin 1933 p.2 𝔊𝔬𝔱𝔱𝔤𝔩ä𝔲𝔟𝔦𝔤𝔨𝔢𝔦𝔱

𝐎𝐧 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐚𝐫𝐭 𝐨𝐟 𝐋𝐞𝐚𝐝𝐞𝐫𝐬𝐡𝐢𝐩 The SS put forward an important memo regarding why they train its men towards the National Socialist worldview even in late times of the war.

This war increasingly reveals to us the necessity of fundamental ideological education and leadership. The goal must be to internally master all men in such a way that the unit leader, squad leader, and subordinate leader can rely on them in every situation. But he can only do this if he knows how to influence them so that they always fulfill their duty as convinced, believing, and determined National Socialists. I. The mere existence of a worldview means nothing. If, for example, Marxism and Bolshevism had remained merely doctrines, they would never have moved the destinies of the world. Had National Socialism remained only a program, it would today be forgotten like many of the ideas of that time. The first task that the Führer fulfilled in the unknown Workers' Party with its equally unknown program was to win people over and convince them. Every poster, every speech, every article, every mass assembly, and every broadcast served this single purpose: to find a way from the idea into the inner being of people. "Leadership means: being able to move the masses." (Mein Kampf) National Socialism triumphed because it succeeded in winning people who made it the content of their lives and were ready to give their all for the victory of the idea. But this was not only the result of the power of the National Socialist worldview, but equally of the art of human leadership developed within the NSDAP. Our task must be, through a similar art of human leadership in our Waffen-SS battalions, to give the Führer a reliable instrument in the fight for the final victory of the idea. II. Of decisive importance in a war that subjects the entire vital force of a people to a comprehensive test of endurance is the spiritual strength of both every individual and the collective whole. Even if the fighting power remains unbroken, the strength of resistance is praised even when the situation appears hopeless in all other areas. For today, the spiritual realm of the peoples has become a battlefield in its own right, on which the art of influencing and leading people is decisive. The task of leadership must therefore be to employ all means that preserve and strengthen our internal cohesion and spiritual resilience. Every leader and subordinate leader must serve this same task within the framework of his unit. This requires that he, too, acquire a certain art in the psychological influence and leadership of his men.

Source: BArch RS 24/14 SS-Panzer-Grenadier-Division "Hohenstaufen," Abt. VI, Von der Kunst der Menschenführung, 03.05.1943 p.417-418 𝔊𝔬𝔱𝔱𝔤𝔩ä𝔲𝔟𝔦𝔤𝔨𝔢𝔦𝔱

ᛋᛋ 𝐅𝐚𝐢𝐭𝐡

1. Faith is a power. The great Germans have shown us this. The power of faith in difficult times. (The "Faith in Germany" during the First World War 1914-1918, the "Victory of Faith" in 1933). 2. We believe in our strength. The empires created from our blood. Germany's achievements in the world. Germany has overcome all the dangers and hardships of history. We were strong when we relied on our own strength—weak when we trusted others (1918!). 3. We believe in the Führer. The Führer created a new reich from the collapsed Germany of 1918 and maintained this empire in an unprecedented four-year war. Times of decline have always been leaderless. 4. We believe in the workings of a higher power. The accusation that this power is godless? We believe in the workings of a divine power in the life of Nature, of man, and peoples. We believe that we must stand before history for the life and future of all Europe, and that only Germany has the strength to fulfill this task. 5. We believe in victory. This belief will not abandon us, even in the most difficult times. There is only one way for us. "The bridges behind us have been broken!" We will not capitulate! The duration of the war inevitably leaves its mark on us, our people—and on the enemy as well! What matters is perseverance (World War!). Victories must be hard-won.

Source: BArch RS 3-9/23b SS-Panzer-Division "Hohenstaufen" Abt. VI Schw./Hä. Div.St.Qu., den 3.12.1943 "Unser Glaube" p.256 𝔊𝔬𝔱𝔱𝔤𝔩ä𝔲𝔟𝔦𝔤𝔨𝔢𝔦𝔱

𝐍𝐢𝐞𝐭𝐳𝐬𝐜𝐡𝐞'𝐬 𝐙𝐚𝐫𝐚𝐭𝐡𝐮𝐬𝐭𝐫𝐚

What did Nietzsche know about the historical Zarathustra and to what extent did this influence his creation? This has usually been the question asked so far, and not much has come of it. We, however, approach the task differently. In this time of great German clarifications and decisions, we may, in this moment of celebration, only give space to a subject that can contribute to them. We recall that prominent champions of national thought had a particularly close relationship with Iran, with the Persians, as Arndt and Lagarde have noted. The Persian Wars preoccupied the politician Arndt. He, the poet of the Wars of Liberation, is suspicious of the nation that uses the word "freedom" and acutely aware of what it means that the Greeks utter the cry, "They are barbarians!" against the Persians, the bearers of a wonderfully ordered state and a sophisticated culture of property ownership. The religious historian Lagarde turned his attention to Iran, to the teachings of Zoroaster, and gleaned from them “the gigantic vision of the struggle between good and evil, which, united in empires, stand opposed to one another,” and “the demand to do at every moment what can bring about the end of the empire of evil.” At the same time, he called for what he termed the “chemical analysis of Southwest Asian religions,” which should lead to “a pure understanding of the basis of Christianity, the Gospel, and to an investigation of the influence that Persia exerted on Judaism, and through it or directly on Christianity.” Can we, despite his apparent anti-nationalism, place Nietzsche, who ultimately, as he put it, pays tribute to a Persian, Zarathustra, as the ideal figure of his major poetic-philosophical work, in the same category? Why does he bestow honors upon the Persian, he who, as a classical philologist, had to find so much derogatory and distorting about the Persians among his Greeks? Is it merely the foreign, the little-known, the non-binding, that attracts him? Or is it something more? It is striking that Kant, too, once considered summarizing his doctrine in a Zoroaster. Is this perhaps a yearning for the wellsprings of his own being, which flowed more purely in the northern racial past? Nietzsche brings something new to modern philosophy, insofar as he is not, like most great founders of systems, under the influence of the sciences of inanimate nature—that is, the so-called exact sciences and mathematics—but rather insofar as he, the hater of systems, comes as a philologist from the humanities and from history. [...] Crucially important for Nietzsche are the biological idea, embodied life, the will to power, the struggle, the relationship between health and illness. He, so profoundly ill, develops an extraordinary sensitivity to these concepts. He expresses the idea of ​​raising humanity in the garden of the earth, an idea that remained closed to him, with captivating clarity, even if he still lacks any fully developed ideas about the truly effective means of this raising, based on racial hygiene and the theory of heredity. His inclinations lie with great men of action, while he himself merely thinks, feels, and writes: the blond beast of the Renaissance, the Greek aristocrat, and finally the spiritual and moral man of action, the Persian Zarathustra. Much also distracts from this line of thought. Nietzsche is not a man of unambiguous conviction, but rather a man with his contradictions, who is often carried away by these contradictions. But the idea of ​​race is nevertheless taking shape in his mind as well. He places the body and all that is corporeal first; he sees here the roots of all reality. To this earthly realm with all its joys and sorrows, he says yes, and a thousand times yes. It is a heroic affirmation, and Alfred Baeumler rightly called it Nietzsche's heroic realism.

Source: "Nietzsches Zarathustra und der geschichtliche" Nationalsozialistische Monatshefte Heft 65, Jahrgang 6, August. Franz Eher Nachf Verlag München 1935 p.15 𝔊𝔬𝔱𝔱𝔤𝔩ä𝔲𝔟𝔦𝔤𝔨𝔢𝔦𝔱

𝐓𝐡𝐞 𝐅𝐮𝐧𝐝𝐚𝐦𝐞𝐧𝐭𝐚𝐥 𝐄𝐝𝐮𝐜𝐚𝐭𝐢𝐨𝐧𝐚𝐥 𝐈𝐝𝐞𝐚𝐬 𝐨𝐟 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐘𝐨𝐮𝐧𝐠 𝐍𝐢𝐞𝐭𝐳𝐬𝐜𝐡𝐞

For the 20th century, which seeks to educate through history, this does not mean the "education of humankind" as envisioned by the Enlightenment thinker Lessing, nor the "formation of personality" as pursued by idealism. Rather, education, understood historically, means shaping and molding people according to the model of a truly existing power. In the present, the historical being of National Socialism emanates the force that will define the century. Nietzsche's pedagogical aims also culminate in the idea that education can only be achieved through the example of a great historical figure. "The education of a people is essentially the habituation to good models and the cultivation of noble desires" The 18th and 19th centuries believed they could complete the work of education with the spirit of reason and intellect. From innate feeling, Nietzsche recognized the paralyzing and unrealistic activity that emanated from this spirit. "Knowledge kills action" Education in a historical sense requires a spirit other than that of reason. The example of contemporary National Socialist fighters illustrates what kind of spirit is meant. They risked their lives for an idea without being able to rationally define what form or appearance the realized idea might take. Their death-defying enthusiasm sprang from a sphere deeply rooted in the human soul. It was the spirit of instinct, of shared feeling, senses, and action—the spirit of blood—that drove their will. When Nietzsche says: “The Enlightenment despises instinct; it believes only in reasons, and the Romantics lack instinct; the delusions of art do not rouse them to action.” He was referring, by mentioning the Enlightenment and Romanticism, to which Christianity also belongs, as the intellectual forces that had shaped the German bourgeoisie. In their expressions, all three were entirely apolitical and alien to the state; none of these forces possessed the power to establish a lasting political system. They fostered a tendency toward self-interest; they promoted a pious and rationalistic individualism. [...] We want to present the political-pedagogical educational system of the young Nietzsche. Anyone expecting to find a meticulously devised edifice of thought from him will be disappointed. He had only scorn and derision for this kind of intellectual activity. The emphasis of his educational intention does not lie in rigid and lifeless thought. He establishes no rules; he does not provide the educator with a standard by which to practice his craft. For him, education is a process that, far removed from any intellectual goal, focuses on the living human being. How one liberates life from intellectual constraints, how one directs it toward a higher goal and shapes it into a typical form, how one thereby binds and holds it together and awakens within it the will to think and act collectively—that, for him, is education. Education is the deliberate and conscious shaping of life. It curtails the individual impulses of the person and makes them subservient to a higher community. The educator himself, however, requires a driving force for this. He must be familiar with the overarching form of education to which he is expected to conform. For our present age, this means: orientation towards the National Socialist ideal. The German of today is increasingly being educated to relinquish the sphere of his private life. The encompassing community of the people and citizen demands service to the whole. In the Hitler Youth and the SA, he renders loyal allegiance to the people and the state. This educational era began when the German people were given the figure of Adolf Hitler as their leader.

Source: "Die pädagogischen Grundgedanken des jungen Nietzsche" Nationalsozialistische Monatshefte. Heft 77, Jahrgang 7, August. Franz Eher Nachf Verlag München 1936 p.49 𝔊𝔬𝔱𝔱𝔤𝔩ä𝔲𝔟𝔦𝔤𝔨𝔢𝔦𝔱

𝐄𝐪𝐮𝐚𝐥 𝐑𝐢𝐠𝐡𝐭𝐬 𝐟𝐨𝐫 𝐆𝐞𝐫𝐦𝐚𝐧 𝐍𝐨𝐧-𝐂𝐡𝐫𝐢𝐬𝐭𝐢𝐚𝐧𝐬!

In this context, we are reminded of the old National Socialist demand that clergy, regardless of denomination, should restrict themselves to their church activities and pastoral care and not interfere in politics. This is the NSDAP's position. This has been frequently emphasized and demanded in public, including in the Reichstag, in relation to the Center Party, and must apply equally to the clergy of the Protestant Church. We are certainly of the opinion that, from the perspective of the Protestant Church's members, much could be simplified, even eliminated, and in many other ways, forms could be introduced that would have a more German character and would therefore be far more satisfying than the current situation. However, the confession of faith is supposed to remain the same. If Pastor Müller says, and the opposing side declares something similar, that Luther's Reformation should be continued after a hiatus of four hundred years, how can the confession of faith remain the same? And if it remains the same, how can the Reformation, the new formation or transformation, take place? The future will surely provide some answer to these and a long series of related questions. In summary, one can say today that these movements and their conflict are fundamentally political, not religious. A genuine religious dynamism is not even perceptible. From a religious point of view, the situation within the Protestant churches, apart from relatively insignificant issues, is the same; it shows neither flourishing nor even the beginnings of fruition. Furthermore: Politics need not corrupt character, but its mixing with religion, and vice versa, has so far proven detrimental to both in Germany. The religious dynamism, the religious yearning and longing outside the churches in Germany, is in no way comparable to the religious stagnation of religious life within the churches. It is very popular to close one's eyes to these realities or to speak of them as regrettable aberrations and as misguided individuals whose return to the churches one should not abandon. One sometimes hears phrases like: to be a good German, one must also be a good Christian; similar to Kaiser Wilhelm II's public pronouncement during the Russo-Japanese War that only a good Christian could be a good soldier. However, the non-Christian Japanese proved themselves to be by far the better soldiers compared to the Christian Russians. Equal rights for German non-Christians! For more than half a decade, we have been trying to draw due attention to the fact that the German population as a whole can no longer be described as Christian, especially not if one understands "Christian" to mean only the confessions or dogmas of the Church. This fact is all the more significant because it does not refer solely to the masses alienated from religion altogether by Marxist doctrines, but primarily to all those Germans who have found, and continue to find, no religious satisfaction, either in the teachings of the Church or in the Christian faith itself. [...] A fully enshrined religious community, however broadly defined, must be established alongside the Christian churches, alongside Christianity itself! This is a pressing demand of German life and of the German people. This movement cannot be content with grudging tolerance among its fellow citizens and also refuses to serve as an object for the desires of Christian-ecclesiastical zealotry. It is one of the regrettable phenomena of modern times and of our day that this Christian zealotry can still make itself felt. The spirit of zealotry will certainly not be eradicated, but its practice must be rendered impossible. Equal rights for a religious community independent of Christianity must be recognized!

Source: "Gleichberechtigung für deutsche Nichtchristen!" Wille und Macht. Heft 12/13, Jahrgang 1, July. Deutscher Jugendverlag 1933 p.10 𝔊𝔬𝔱𝔱𝔤𝔩ä𝔲𝔟𝔦𝔤𝔨𝔢𝔦𝔱

𝐄𝐚𝐬𝐭𝐞𝐫

Easter is a German festival. There is no ancient Christian Easter, only Passover. Only when Christianity came to Germany did its church's spring festival receive the name that had long been in use. Easter is the only German festival that names a deity, the goddess Ostara, but she is not merely German; she traces her origins back through Germanic to Indo-European (Aryan) antiquity. Her name is connected to that of the region, the East, and widespread legends and diverse customs relate to our Easter season. This is something that needs to be acknowledged and appreciated. But first, we want to clear the way for this by clarifying the church's Easter celebration and its history. The Christian Passover festival, in its origin, its approach and some of its basic ideas, comes from Judaism, which still celebrates the old Passover festival. The Jewish Passover encompasses the Feast of Unleavened Bread (Mazzot), which is mentioned in Exodus 23:15 ff, and the Passover festival itself, the slaughter of the lamb. The main passage for this is Exodus 11-13. It belongs to that somewhat later layer of the Torah in which the deity is no longer referred to in the plural form as Elohim ("gods"), but bears the name Yahō (Yahweh, "the Being"). The Jews are still in Egypt, and Jahweh orders them to steal silver and gold vessels from the Egyptians (ibid. 11:2 and 12:35 f) and to prepare to flee. He will kill the firstborn of the Egyptians and spare them if they follow his instructions. They are to slaughter a lamb in every house and smear the blood on the two doorposts and the threshold. When he goes out at midnight to strangle the Egyptians, the blood of the Lamb will be a sign to him that he will pass over those houses. The Jews are to sacrifice the lamb annually from then on in remembrance of the Exodus, in the month of Abib, with which they are to begin the year, at twilight on the14th of Abib. And they are to roast the lamb and eat it before morning, and shall not break any of its bones, and they are to have sandals on their feet and staffs in their hands at this sacrifice, as was the case at the Exodus. This remarkable passage reveals that, at the time of its writing, the Exodus was intended to mark the beginning of a new era, or at least to be related to an already existing one. Since the Jews observed the new moon and continually adjusted their months accordingly, the 14th day of Abib fell roughly at the time of the full moon. As this month, later known as Nisan, was the spring month, Passover came to be celebrated at the full moon of spring. [...] Easter celebrations from ancient times unfold before us, and we understand that the grief of destruction was once again powerfully felt before the jubilation over the new life germinating in spring was embraced. But however profound insights and confirmations of initial approaches we owe to comparative studies of Ostara among other Indo-European peoples, we cannot form any firm ideas about ancient Germanic Easters that go beyond these general findings and can show us a complete festival sequence—at least not yet. Aside from all other difficulties, one in particular hinders us: the solar year already strongly influences Easter beliefs, and this must be a layer that, while certainly pre-Christian, is nevertheless relatively younger. Thus, it is even doubtful whether we must imagine the victory of the bright Ostara before the three dark nights that are supposed to follow the demise of her adversary, or only afterward. Various systems and interpretations were possible here as well and were probably devised, and we certainly cannot rely on the original circumstances anymore. But however little of this may be entirely accurate, enough of the old tradition has been revealed to us to understand how the Germanic Easter festival merged with the ecclesiastical Passover and how the latter, which was not entirely contrary to Christianity, needed Easter itself.

Source: "Ostern" Nationalsozialistiche Monatshefte Heft 61, Jahrgang, 6, April. Franz Eher Nachf Verlag München 1935 p.28 𝔊𝔬𝔱𝔱𝔤𝔩ä𝔲𝔟𝔦𝔤𝔨𝔢𝔦𝔱