Antifascism
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This channel is reinventing itself. It's adapting to the times. A specter is haunting Europe. -- Este canal se reconvierte. Se adapta a los tiempos nuevos. Un fantasma recorre Europa.
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پستهای کانال
Lenin was clear in 1920: "We are obliged to wage the struggle in Parliament in order to destroy Parliament." This is not a contradiction. It is a tactic.
The bourgeois Parliament is not destroyed by ignoring it. It is destroyed by turning it against itself — exposing to the masses what it actually is: the place where capital administers its class interests in the language of universal democracy.
The seat as a megaphone, not as a destination. The party as an instrument of class, not as a manager of the system. The moment a movement enters parliament to govern within the bourgeois framework it ceases to be a threat and becomes just another leg of the same table.
The real constituent process — not the reform negotiated with financial powers — means rupture. That the accumulation of forces in the electoral, union and territorial terrain reaches the point where the bourgeois legal framework can no longer contain the pressure of class.
The workers' movement does not launch electoralist proclamations. It uses elections for what they are: a tool that can be turned against the system when there is real organisation and a class programme behind it.
Whoever enters to manage the system loses their sense of class, collective roots, the political culture that makes any real transformation possible. They become a voter. And the voter delegates. And whoever delegates builds nothing.
| 2 | Take the Sky by Storm. For Real. | 373 |
| 3 | The Left: Capital's Leg
The left has not failed. It has worked exactly as designed.
It is not an emancipatory tool that went wrong along the way. It is a containment tool. Its historical function is not to transform the capitalist order but to guarantee its stability: to give the working class the illusion of representation, absorb social conflict before it becomes dangerous, and legitimise with popular vocabulary decisions that serve capital.
Without an institutional left the system stands naked. With it, the worker has a party that speaks about their problems, a union that negotiates on their behalf and a progressive government that promises this time it will be different. The material result does not change. But the pressure does not explode.
That is not a failure. That is the success of the mechanism.
The left-right dichotomy does not describe two antagonistic projects. It describes two modes of administering the same system. The right does it with austerity and discipline. The left does it with the management of discontent and the co-optation of conflict. Both agree on the fundamentals: private ownership of the means of production, the bourgeois institutional framework and integration into the structures of transnational capital.
The left is not the solution. It is part of the architecture of the problem. | 518 |
| 4 | بدون متن... | 442 |
| 5 | Paris Burns. Again.
This week Paris burned again. PSG won their second consecutive Champions League and the Champs-Élysées became once more a stage for looting, burning cars, and clashes with police. Over 400 arrested. An officer injured. A bakery destroyed. A restaurant ransacked.
The question nobody wants to ask out loud is simple: who does this, and why?
These are not workers. There is no labour grievance, no list of demands, no organisation whatsoever. This is the lumpen. What Marx called the lumpenproletariat: the disorganised mass, without class consciousness, without productive roots, without any collective project. People with no trade and no purpose, as it used to be said more plainly than it is today.
And here Clouscard intervenes with a precision that makes the culturalist left deeply uncomfortable. For him, capitalism in its seduction phase does not integrate these masses — it needs them disintegrated. The spirit of '68 was the midwife of the new consumer society, incorporating the romantic mythology of rebellion and subversion into the strategies of capitalist expansion. What remained of that in the peripheries was not emancipation. It was a market of desire without access to desire: directionless violence, identity without territory, rage without class.
Instead of integrating waves of immigrants into French society, the system chose to isolate them in peripheral neighbourhoods of major cities, creating pockets of unemployment and marginalisation. Second generation, third generation. No real roots in the country where they live, no real connection to the country their families came from. Capital needed them as cheap labour and then abandoned them in the banlieue.
Note also where all of this happens. The riots are not in the 16th arrondissement of Paris, where those who actually own the city live. They happen in working-class neighbourhoods, in local shops, in the neighbour's bakery. The lumpen does not attack capital. It destroys what remains of working-class community.
That is not class struggle. It is precisely the opposite. | 663 |
| 6 | بدون متن... | 505 |
| 7 | May '68: The Revolution That Never Was
There's a poem the contemporary left would rather forget. It was written by Pier Paolo Pasolini, a communist, in January 1968, after the clashes at Valle Giulia in Rome. While everyone was cheering the students, he wrote the opposite.
In the poem, Pasolini stated bluntly: "In Valle Giulia, yesterday, we had a fragment of class struggle: and you, friends, though on the side of reason, were the rich, while the police, who were on the wrong side, were the poor."
Pasolini pointed out that the children of workers were not among the comfortable, dissatisfied bourgeois university students — they were among the police. The ones throwing cobblestones had the faces of daddy's boys. The ones receiving them came from the outskirts.
Clouscard goes further and delivers the structural diagnosis. Faced with the serious ideological drift born of '68, he proposed updating revolutionary theory by taking into account the mutation of the dominant system. His conclusion: '68 was not a revolution. It was a restructuring of capitalism with a rebel aesthetic. With the libertarianism born of May '68, liberalism fulfilled its own concept: the old bourgeois values of saving and sobriety were replaced by a hedonistic and permissive model — a society tailored to the dreams that consumption provides.
Sexual liberation, anti-authoritarianism, radical individualism — everything '68 made fashionable did not threaten capital. It accelerated it.
When the dust settles after the riots, nothing appears to have changed. The government remains, the ministers, the same officials, the same law, the same regime. But much changes in what comes after: it was a coup within the intellectual establishment, among the mandarins who would decide how we were going to live.
That is May '68. Not a proletarian revolution. A bourgeois revolution with borrowed barricades. | 655 |
| 8 | بدون متن... | 553 |
اکنون در دسترس! پژوهش تلگرام ۲۰۲۵ — مهمترین بینشهای سال 
