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ᛋ ᛋ Nationalsozialismus über alles! ᛋ ᛋ Posting the literature and documents by NationalSocialists from the Third Reich period.
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𝐒𝐩𝐢𝐫𝐢𝐭 𝐚𝐧𝐝 𝐀𝐧𝐜𝐞𝐬𝐭𝐨𝐫𝐬 𝐟𝐫𝐨𝐦 𝐭𝐡𝐞 ᛋᛋ
The spirit of our ancestors is the spirit of God. Because a noble being like humans can only come from the divine. The eternal life force is the divine primal force. We will pass on this spirit of our earliest ancestors to our descendants, just as it came to us. The energy of our ancestors has entered us and so we take action. So we rise to unite with the peoples of like blood, so that the Nordic spirit, the spirit of ever-new birthing life, may be protected against the spirit of destruction that threatens from the East.Source: BArch N 756/336b Sennheim. SS-Ausbildungslager, Herausgeber: SS-Hauptamt/Germanische Leitstelle/SS-Ausbildungslager Sennheim p.50 𝔊𝔬𝔱𝔱𝔤𝔩ä𝔲𝔟𝔦𝔤𝔨𝔢𝔦𝔱
𝐍𝐚𝐭𝐢𝐨𝐧𝐚𝐥 𝐒𝐨𝐜𝐢𝐚𝐥𝐢𝐬𝐦 𝐕𝐬 𝐅𝐚𝐬𝐜𝐢𝐬𝐦
Part (2/2)
When we look at the contemporary literature on the Matter, it appears to be in complete agreement. The SS published a special edition article specifically tackling this issue on National Socialism and Fascism. Titled "Faschismus und Nationalsozialismus", in which it read:
To summarize the difference between fascism and National Socialism in a nutshell, one could say: National Socialism is a political movement with a worldview based on the concept of nation and race, drawing the corresponding conclusions for political necessities in the given historical situation from its insights into the laws of life. Fascism, on the other hand, possesses no worldview, but only a political doctrine, that is, a set of principles underlying the development of political activity within fascist thought. Mussolini himself formulated the fundamental doctrine of this kind in 1932. For fascism, there are no fixed and lasting ideological commitments; rather, its approach considers all political and social life to be subject to a historical process of development and the respective intervention of human political activity. [...] The difference between the National Socialist worldview and fascist doctrine is particularly evident in the conception of state and people and their relationship to one another. Here it becomes clear that fascist doctrine does not recognize the inherent nature of people and race as National Socialism does. National Socialism views the people as an independent entity based on their racial characteristics, existing as a natural community separate from the state. For National Socialism, the people are therefore central to its thought and action and, grounded in racial ideology, represent the highest value, in comparison to which the state has only a utilitarian, secondary significance. In fascism, the relationship between state and people is fundamentally different. The state is at the center of all thought. The people are subordinate to and integrated into the state. Fascism does not recognize an independent political concept of the people, separate from the concept of the state. According to fascist thought, the people can only achieve political unity through the state and the formation of state power. The relationship between state and people is compared to that between mind and body. The state is, in a sense, the spirit of the people, guiding them and driving them to action. The concept of the nation, which plays such a significant role in fascist doctrine, is also closely tied to the state and does not denote an independent entity in relation to it. Fascism sees the nation as a multitude of social forces that must first be disciplined and unified by the state.[1] Lastly, we can see from Italian author Guido Bortolotto who was a trustee in the Gruppi Universitari Fascisti (GUF) published in 1933 on the topic of NS and Fascism. In it, lays out the same difference as pointed out by the National Socialists:
The National Socialists based their idea of nationhood on what is commonly referred to as the myth of blood. They say: “A new history begins when one race remains victorious over another.” We say: “A new history begins when a new culture enters the life of a people.” They say: “It is necessary to live a myth and create a type, in order to build the state and existence upon it.” We say: “It is necessary to maintain a tradition and create a doctrine and a culture upon which the state and existence can be built.”[2] If you were to truly care of the purity of the National Socialist worldview, then one must also advocate for its doctrinal purity. Fascism is not National Socialism because it does not recognize the fundamental aspect of race in all affairs. By Hitler's logic, Fascism at its core lacks personality. Source: [1] BArch NS 1/1117 Reichsführer-SS und SS-Hauptamt (Hrsg.): Sonderdruck. Faschismus und Nationalsozialismus p.102-104 [2] Fascismo e nazionalsocialismo Guido Bortolotto (1933) NICOLA ZANICHELLI EDITORE p.49 𝔊𝔬𝔱𝔱𝔤𝔩ä𝔲𝔟𝔦𝔤𝔨𝔢𝔦𝔱
𝐍𝐚𝐭𝐢𝐨𝐧𝐚𝐥 𝐒𝐨𝐜𝐢𝐚𝐥𝐢𝐬𝐦 𝐕𝐬 𝐅𝐚𝐬𝐜𝐢𝐬𝐦
Part (1/2)
A common misconception within circles of the Third Position is the equation between National Socialism and Fascism. In short, they are not the same in doctrine, but rather distinct in a major area such as state formation. One is of exclusively racial foundations and the other on cultural/historical identity. Let's now go over the primary source documents. In a 1944 speech from Hitler, he said:
However, one must first form this state-within-the-state in order to then take over the state. Fascism got the power after barely a few years with 30 to 40 000 members. Therefore, it remained a pure state administration and did not become a people's leadership. It did not organize in itself the new people's community and take over the state through it, but used the existing apparatus. It did not succeed in establishing a new leadership of the people in such a way that the people were attached to it. Therefore, it did not solve the social question in any way. It has not even tried to solve it.[1] Based on the quote above, Hitler describes Fascism as superficial instead of being a complete transformation of state and people. In other words, National Socialism is an all encompassing worldview with Fascism being a Political-Social ideology. Rosenberg had too made a similar comment on the practice of Fascism:
Fascism was a political and social revolution; it did not want to address worldview questions. [...] The collapse of Italy confirmed the racial doctrine. Ancient Rome perished due to racial degeneration. Northern Italy: The Germanic blood share created the Renaissance, later Fascism.[2] In the same year as Rosenberg, Himmler too had given a speech which made this distinction:
All over the world in Germany, of course, primarily people who were not our friends came forward and said: "So, a Duce can be arrested? Interesting! How interesting! He can be arrested right there on the spot! Fascism is over! Badoglio is just a northerner, and so it all collapses!" They hadn't considered that fascism and National Socialism are not one and the same, that for all the veneration of the Duce, who is a solitary figure among his people, a Duce like Benito Mussolini simply cannot be mentioned in the same breath as the Führer.[3] Why exactly do they get mixed up? Historically, the kinship between National Socialism and Fascism shows itself in the fight against the Marxist movement, Freemasonry, and the totality of the state. This often mistakes the common reader that both are similar in theory if not the same if one were to not look into their contemporary literature. Source: [1] BArch NS 6/777 Ansprachen Hitlers vor Feldmarschällen und Generälen am 27. Jan. 1944 in der Wolfsschanze p.75 [2] BArch NS 22/1240 Rede Alfred Rosenbergs auf der Reichsfeier in Speyer. (3.11.43) p.13 [3] BArch NS 19/4010 Rede vor den Reichs- und Gauleitern in Posen, 6. Okt. 1943 p.361 𝔊𝔬𝔱𝔱𝔤𝔩ä𝔲𝔟𝔦𝔤𝔨𝔢𝔦𝔱
𝐎𝐮𝐫 𝐒𝐭𝐫𝐮𝐠𝐠𝐥𝐞
Our struggle for survival is only one part of the general law of struggle inherent in life, in a sense its unmasked and clear application to our time. A development that, solely at the expense of life itself and the most valuable national forces, brought our people to the brink of ruin, was halted by the fact that, in the National Socialist movement, through the clearest understanding of its worldview and its most forceful and effective implementation in reality, the fundamental laws of life were once again brought to the fore. That struggle, one of the greatest of these laws of life, is often the decisive factor is already confirmed by the cycles and changes of nature. Actions of conflict that take place in the immediate vicinity of such historical insight are always perceived by people, or at least by their capable leaders, as a struggle of destiny, that is, as an unavoidable decision that must be made in order to assert the right to life and the possibility of life. Today's struggle, which cannot be assessed after only a few years but is already illuminated by the First World War, is ultimately a struggle for the assertion of our existence and thus, at the same time, of our species. This clear realization must not hide behind any historical slogans. The decision is about the assertion of our lives and the possibility of that life having an effect. Against the Reich and Europe, the plutocratic will to world domination in the West and Bolshevik imperialism in the East united in an attempt at a massive encirclement of our continent. The Reich is not synonymous with Europe, but it is conceived as a European entity and is the bearer of order on this continent. History testifies that Germany has always been the shield and also the heart of resistance against the East and the threat of the destruction of European cultural strength, ever since it succeeded ancient Greece and Rome in this role. The Reich is a historical form of order and transcends the National Socialist imprint by assigning the German people further tasks as bearers of greater responsibility. In the truest sense, as a structured multiplicity and under the guiding principle of unity, like a family, "Europe" stands out as something special. From Nordic racial strength, it has revealed the greatest testimonies of its will to order and its earthly religiosity. This human and essential content shines forth from the beauty of its art, from the clarity of its state power and its strict justice, as well as from the Faustian desire to explore the knowable and yet, in wise contemplation of God, to revere the unknowable. In the context of the struggle for survival, the primary objective is, of course, the military and political assertion of the community of awakened European peoples under the leadership of the Axis. A crucial complement to this assertion is the economic resilience of our fighting community. Only within this resilience can space and expression be created for our inherent task of maintaining order. This is not simply the struggle of two animals over a food bowl, but rather, in the struggle against foreign forces and objectives, our own heroic consciousness is fulfilled. This fundamentally vital, driving force of our being becomes all the more apparent when looking back at the great German historical examples of shaping the Eastern world, where Germanic and Western power, emerging from disorder and against the threatening and destructive forces, forged a new world order with decisiveness and discipline, and without yearning for salvation in the afterlife. [...] The Reich, as the embodiment of our race's will to order, extends in vibrant reality as far as the bearers of our blood grasp and shape this continent and its economic sphere of influence, and radiate this power into the surrounding regions.Source: "Unser Kampf" Der Schulungsbrief. Jahrgang 10, Folge 5/6. Franz Eher Nachf Verlag Berlin 1943 p.2 𝔊𝔬𝔱𝔱𝔤𝔩ä𝔲𝔟𝔦𝔤𝔨𝔢𝔦𝔱
𝐓𝐡𝐞 𝐓𝐫𝐚𝐢𝐧𝐢𝐧𝐠 𝐨𝐟 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐆𝐞𝐫𝐦𝐚𝐧 𝐕𝐨𝐥𝐤
Our Führer and Chancellor recently stated: “The training and education of the entire German people in the worldview of National Socialism is and can only be the responsibility of our Party.” It is his wish that comprehensive ideological training be conducted in all German regions, down to the lowest party units; for it is essential to so firmly establish all Party members in National Socialism that they are capable of winning over even those who are skeptical or distrustful to our cause. Only in this way can and will our idea become the common property of the entire German people. It has already gripped by far the largest and most valuable part of our people. Our revolution, with its powerful and healthy momentum, has captivated almost all Germans. This fact, however, must not lead to any misconception; for in its innermost core and essence, National Socialism is still not understood by a great many. The task of the National Socialist activists, united in the firm bloc of our party, is to deepen National Socialism everywhere, but especially to educate the millions of working German comrades united in the German Labor Front to become National Socialists. The old party comrades are the guarantors of our revolution and thus the strongest pillars of the nation. In particular, every public official and administrator must be trained to be a leader and educator, in short, an officer of the German people. Through their unwavering fulfillment of duty, they must one day become a historical figure just as the Prussian civil servants, raised under Frederick the Great with a pronounced sense of duty, did. This can only be achieved through intensive ideological training and consolidation of our leaders at all levels. Training extends from top to bottom, i.e., from the Reich leadership down to the lowest level of the Party Organization (PO) and the National Socialist Factory Cell Organization (NSBO). While the methods vary, the effect is the same, as 80% of it is based on ideology. A Reich Training Office was established within the highest leadership of the PO, headed by the Reich Training Director. This office also serves as the Reich Training Office of the German Labor Front. The Director oversees training throughout the Reich, down to the lowest party unit and factory cell. All organizational aspects of all training methods and plans converge in his hands. All schools are subordinate to him. He thus bears full responsibility. He issues training letters (Der Schulungsbrief) every eight to fourteen days, which are distributed to the lowest levels of the Party, the NSBO, and the German Labor Front. These training letters generally contain ideological statements by prominent Party leaders. They also address current events and new laws in an explanatory and easily understandable way. The most intensive training and education takes place in courses lasting several weeks. Schools are established for this purpose: a) The Reich School of the Party and the German Labor Front in Bernau. Here, high-ranking officials and civil servants of the Party and the NSBO (National Socialist Factory Cell Organization) are trained in four-week courses, starting at the district leadership level. They are then expected to continue their work in their respective fields based on the suggestions and principles they have received. This applies to Party officials and civil servants within the Party organizations, and to NSBO civil servants, especially within the German Labor Front. The Reich School receives participants from all parts of the Reich. b) The State Leadership Schools I, II, III, and IV in Königswinter, Lobeda near Jena, Plassenburg near Kulmbach, and Wischwitz near Breslau. These schools offer three-week courses for party officials of all ranks from the districts assigned to the individual State Leadership Schools.Source: "Schulung des deutschen Volkes" Der Schulungsbrief Jahrgang 1, Folge 2. Franz Eher Nachf Verlag Berlin 1933 p.2 𝔊𝔬𝔱𝔱𝔤𝔩ä𝔲𝔟𝔦𝔤𝔨𝔢𝔦𝔱
𝐎𝐧 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐚𝐫𝐭 𝐨𝐟 𝐋𝐞𝐚𝐝𝐞𝐫𝐬𝐡𝐢𝐩
The SS put forward an important memo regarding why they train its men towards the National Socialist worldview even in late times of the war.
This war increasingly reveals to us the necessity of fundamental ideological education and leadership. The goal must be to internally master all men in such a way that the unit leader, squad leader, and subordinate leader can rely on them in every situation. But he can only do this if he knows how to influence them so that they always fulfill their duty as convinced, believing, and determined National Socialists. I. The mere existence of a worldview means nothing. If, for example, Marxism and Bolshevism had remained merely doctrines, they would never have moved the destinies of the world. Had National Socialism remained only a program, it would today be forgotten like many of the ideas of that time. The first task that the Führer fulfilled in the unknown Workers' Party with its equally unknown program was to win people over and convince them. Every poster, every speech, every article, every mass assembly, and every broadcast served this single purpose: to find a way from the idea into the inner being of people. "Leadership means: being able to move the masses." (Mein Kampf) National Socialism triumphed because it succeeded in winning people who made it the content of their lives and were ready to give their all for the victory of the idea. But this was not only the result of the power of the National Socialist worldview, but equally of the art of human leadership developed within the NSDAP. Our task must be, through a similar art of human leadership in our Waffen-SS battalions, to give the Führer a reliable instrument in the fight for the final victory of the idea. II. Of decisive importance in a war that subjects the entire vital force of a people to a comprehensive test of endurance is the spiritual strength of both every individual and the collective whole. Even if the fighting power remains unbroken, the strength of resistance is praised even when the situation appears hopeless in all other areas. For today, the spiritual realm of the peoples has become a battlefield in its own right, on which the art of influencing and leading people is decisive. The task of leadership must therefore be to employ all means that preserve and strengthen our internal cohesion and spiritual resilience. Every leader and subordinate leader must serve this same task within the framework of his unit. This requires that he, too, acquire a certain art in the psychological influence and leadership of his men.Source: BArch RS 24/14 SS-Panzer-Grenadier-Division "Hohenstaufen," Abt. VI, Von der Kunst der Menschenführung, 03.05.1943 p.417-418 𝔊𝔬𝔱𝔱𝔤𝔩ä𝔲𝔟𝔦𝔤𝔨𝔢𝔦𝔱
ᛋᛋ 𝐅𝐚𝐢𝐭𝐡
1. Faith is a power. The great Germans have shown us this. The power of faith in difficult times. (The "Faith in Germany" during the First World War 1914-1918, the "Victory of Faith" in 1933). 2. We believe in our strength. The empires created from our blood. Germany's achievements in the world. Germany has overcome all the dangers and hardships of history. We were strong when we relied on our own strength—weak when we trusted others (1918!). 3. We believe in the Führer. The Führer created a new reich from the collapsed Germany of 1918 and maintained this empire in an unprecedented four-year war. Times of decline have always been leaderless. 4. We believe in the workings of a higher power. The accusation that this power is godless? We believe in the workings of a divine power in the life of Nature, of man, and peoples. We believe that we must stand before history for the life and future of all Europe, and that only Germany has the strength to fulfill this task. 5. We believe in victory. This belief will not abandon us, even in the most difficult times. There is only one way for us. "The bridges behind us have been broken!" We will not capitulate! The duration of the war inevitably leaves its mark on us, our people—and on the enemy as well! What matters is perseverance (World War!). Victories must be hard-won.Source: BArch RS 3-9/23b SS-Panzer-Division "Hohenstaufen" Abt. VI Schw./Hä. Div.St.Qu., den 3.12.1943 "Unser Glaube" p.256 𝔊𝔬𝔱𝔱𝔤𝔩ä𝔲𝔟𝔦𝔤𝔨𝔢𝔦𝔱
𝐍𝐢𝐞𝐭𝐳𝐬𝐜𝐡𝐞'𝐬 𝐙𝐚𝐫𝐚𝐭𝐡𝐮𝐬𝐭𝐫𝐚
What did Nietzsche know about the historical Zarathustra and to what extent did this influence his creation? This has usually been the question asked so far, and not much has come of it. We, however, approach the task differently. In this time of great German clarifications and decisions, we may, in this moment of celebration, only give space to a subject that can contribute to them. We recall that prominent champions of national thought had a particularly close relationship with Iran, with the Persians, as Arndt and Lagarde have noted. The Persian Wars preoccupied the politician Arndt. He, the poet of the Wars of Liberation, is suspicious of the nation that uses the word "freedom" and acutely aware of what it means that the Greeks utter the cry, "They are barbarians!" against the Persians, the bearers of a wonderfully ordered state and a sophisticated culture of property ownership. The religious historian Lagarde turned his attention to Iran, to the teachings of Zoroaster, and gleaned from them “the gigantic vision of the struggle between good and evil, which, united in empires, stand opposed to one another,” and “the demand to do at every moment what can bring about the end of the empire of evil.” At the same time, he called for what he termed the “chemical analysis of Southwest Asian religions,” which should lead to “a pure understanding of the basis of Christianity, the Gospel, and to an investigation of the influence that Persia exerted on Judaism, and through it or directly on Christianity.” Can we, despite his apparent anti-nationalism, place Nietzsche, who ultimately, as he put it, pays tribute to a Persian, Zarathustra, as the ideal figure of his major poetic-philosophical work, in the same category? Why does he bestow honors upon the Persian, he who, as a classical philologist, had to find so much derogatory and distorting about the Persians among his Greeks? Is it merely the foreign, the little-known, the non-binding, that attracts him? Or is it something more? It is striking that Kant, too, once considered summarizing his doctrine in a Zoroaster. Is this perhaps a yearning for the wellsprings of his own being, which flowed more purely in the northern racial past? Nietzsche brings something new to modern philosophy, insofar as he is not, like most great founders of systems, under the influence of the sciences of inanimate nature—that is, the so-called exact sciences and mathematics—but rather insofar as he, the hater of systems, comes as a philologist from the humanities and from history. [...] Crucially important for Nietzsche are the biological idea, embodied life, the will to power, the struggle, the relationship between health and illness. He, so profoundly ill, develops an extraordinary sensitivity to these concepts. He expresses the idea of raising humanity in the garden of the earth, an idea that remained closed to him, with captivating clarity, even if he still lacks any fully developed ideas about the truly effective means of this raising, based on racial hygiene and the theory of heredity. His inclinations lie with great men of action, while he himself merely thinks, feels, and writes: the blond beast of the Renaissance, the Greek aristocrat, and finally the spiritual and moral man of action, the Persian Zarathustra. Much also distracts from this line of thought. Nietzsche is not a man of unambiguous conviction, but rather a man with his contradictions, who is often carried away by these contradictions. But the idea of race is nevertheless taking shape in his mind as well. He places the body and all that is corporeal first; he sees here the roots of all reality. To this earthly realm with all its joys and sorrows, he says yes, and a thousand times yes. It is a heroic affirmation, and Alfred Baeumler rightly called it Nietzsche's heroic realism.Source: "Nietzsches Zarathustra und der geschichtliche" Nationalsozialistische Monatshefte Heft 65, Jahrgang 6, August. Franz Eher Nachf Verlag München 1935 p.15 𝔊𝔬𝔱𝔱𝔤𝔩ä𝔲𝔟𝔦𝔤𝔨𝔢𝔦𝔱
𝐓𝐡𝐞 𝐅𝐮𝐧𝐝𝐚𝐦𝐞𝐧𝐭𝐚𝐥 𝐄𝐝𝐮𝐜𝐚𝐭𝐢𝐨𝐧𝐚𝐥 𝐈𝐝𝐞𝐚𝐬 𝐨𝐟 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐘𝐨𝐮𝐧𝐠 𝐍𝐢𝐞𝐭𝐳𝐬𝐜𝐡𝐞
For the 20th century, which seeks to educate through history, this does not mean the "education of humankind" as envisioned by the Enlightenment thinker Lessing, nor the "formation of personality" as pursued by idealism. Rather, education, understood historically, means shaping and molding people according to the model of a truly existing power. In the present, the historical being of National Socialism emanates the force that will define the century. Nietzsche's pedagogical aims also culminate in the idea that education can only be achieved through the example of a great historical figure. "The education of a people is essentially the habituation to good models and the cultivation of noble desires" The 18th and 19th centuries believed they could complete the work of education with the spirit of reason and intellect. From innate feeling, Nietzsche recognized the paralyzing and unrealistic activity that emanated from this spirit. "Knowledge kills action" Education in a historical sense requires a spirit other than that of reason. The example of contemporary National Socialist fighters illustrates what kind of spirit is meant. They risked their lives for an idea without being able to rationally define what form or appearance the realized idea might take. Their death-defying enthusiasm sprang from a sphere deeply rooted in the human soul. It was the spirit of instinct, of shared feeling, senses, and action—the spirit of blood—that drove their will. When Nietzsche says: “The Enlightenment despises instinct; it believes only in reasons, and the Romantics lack instinct; the delusions of art do not rouse them to action.” He was referring, by mentioning the Enlightenment and Romanticism, to which Christianity also belongs, as the intellectual forces that had shaped the German bourgeoisie. In their expressions, all three were entirely apolitical and alien to the state; none of these forces possessed the power to establish a lasting political system. They fostered a tendency toward self-interest; they promoted a pious and rationalistic individualism. [...] We want to present the political-pedagogical educational system of the young Nietzsche. Anyone expecting to find a meticulously devised edifice of thought from him will be disappointed. He had only scorn and derision for this kind of intellectual activity. The emphasis of his educational intention does not lie in rigid and lifeless thought. He establishes no rules; he does not provide the educator with a standard by which to practice his craft. For him, education is a process that, far removed from any intellectual goal, focuses on the living human being. How one liberates life from intellectual constraints, how one directs it toward a higher goal and shapes it into a typical form, how one thereby binds and holds it together and awakens within it the will to think and act collectively—that, for him, is education. Education is the deliberate and conscious shaping of life. It curtails the individual impulses of the person and makes them subservient to a higher community. The educator himself, however, requires a driving force for this. He must be familiar with the overarching form of education to which he is expected to conform. For our present age, this means: orientation towards the National Socialist ideal. The German of today is increasingly being educated to relinquish the sphere of his private life. The encompassing community of the people and citizen demands service to the whole. In the Hitler Youth and the SA, he renders loyal allegiance to the people and the state. This educational era began when the German people were given the figure of Adolf Hitler as their leader.Source: "Die pädagogischen Grundgedanken des jungen Nietzsche" Nationalsozialistische Monatshefte. Heft 77, Jahrgang 7, August. Franz Eher Nachf Verlag München 1936 p.49 𝔊𝔬𝔱𝔱𝔤𝔩ä𝔲𝔟𝔦𝔤𝔨𝔢𝔦𝔱
𝐄𝐪𝐮𝐚𝐥 𝐑𝐢𝐠𝐡𝐭𝐬 𝐟𝐨𝐫 𝐆𝐞𝐫𝐦𝐚𝐧 𝐍𝐨𝐧-𝐂𝐡𝐫𝐢𝐬𝐭𝐢𝐚𝐧𝐬!
In this context, we are reminded of the old National Socialist demand that clergy, regardless of denomination, should restrict themselves to their church activities and pastoral care and not interfere in politics. This is the NSDAP's position. This has been frequently emphasized and demanded in public, including in the Reichstag, in relation to the Center Party, and must apply equally to the clergy of the Protestant Church. We are certainly of the opinion that, from the perspective of the Protestant Church's members, much could be simplified, even eliminated, and in many other ways, forms could be introduced that would have a more German character and would therefore be far more satisfying than the current situation. However, the confession of faith is supposed to remain the same. If Pastor Müller says, and the opposing side declares something similar, that Luther's Reformation should be continued after a hiatus of four hundred years, how can the confession of faith remain the same? And if it remains the same, how can the Reformation, the new formation or transformation, take place? The future will surely provide some answer to these and a long series of related questions. In summary, one can say today that these movements and their conflict are fundamentally political, not religious. A genuine religious dynamism is not even perceptible. From a religious point of view, the situation within the Protestant churches, apart from relatively insignificant issues, is the same; it shows neither flourishing nor even the beginnings of fruition. Furthermore: Politics need not corrupt character, but its mixing with religion, and vice versa, has so far proven detrimental to both in Germany. The religious dynamism, the religious yearning and longing outside the churches in Germany, is in no way comparable to the religious stagnation of religious life within the churches. It is very popular to close one's eyes to these realities or to speak of them as regrettable aberrations and as misguided individuals whose return to the churches one should not abandon. One sometimes hears phrases like: to be a good German, one must also be a good Christian; similar to Kaiser Wilhelm II's public pronouncement during the Russo-Japanese War that only a good Christian could be a good soldier. However, the non-Christian Japanese proved themselves to be by far the better soldiers compared to the Christian Russians. Equal rights for German non-Christians! For more than half a decade, we have been trying to draw due attention to the fact that the German population as a whole can no longer be described as Christian, especially not if one understands "Christian" to mean only the confessions or dogmas of the Church. This fact is all the more significant because it does not refer solely to the masses alienated from religion altogether by Marxist doctrines, but primarily to all those Germans who have found, and continue to find, no religious satisfaction, either in the teachings of the Church or in the Christian faith itself. [...] A fully enshrined religious community, however broadly defined, must be established alongside the Christian churches, alongside Christianity itself! This is a pressing demand of German life and of the German people. This movement cannot be content with grudging tolerance among its fellow citizens and also refuses to serve as an object for the desires of Christian-ecclesiastical zealotry. It is one of the regrettable phenomena of modern times and of our day that this Christian zealotry can still make itself felt. The spirit of zealotry will certainly not be eradicated, but its practice must be rendered impossible. Equal rights for a religious community independent of Christianity must be recognized!Source: "Gleichberechtigung für deutsche Nichtchristen!" Wille und Macht. Heft 12/13, Jahrgang 1, July. Deutscher Jugendverlag 1933 p.10 𝔊𝔬𝔱𝔱𝔤𝔩ä𝔲𝔟𝔦𝔤𝔨𝔢𝔦𝔱
𝐄𝐚𝐬𝐭𝐞𝐫
Easter is a German festival. There is no ancient Christian Easter, only Passover. Only when Christianity came to Germany did its church's spring festival receive the name that had long been in use. Easter is the only German festival that names a deity, the goddess Ostara, but she is not merely German; she traces her origins back through Germanic to Indo-European (Aryan) antiquity. Her name is connected to that of the region, the East, and widespread legends and diverse customs relate to our Easter season. This is something that needs to be acknowledged and appreciated. But first, we want to clear the way for this by clarifying the church's Easter celebration and its history. The Christian Passover festival, in its origin, its approach and some of its basic ideas, comes from Judaism, which still celebrates the old Passover festival. The Jewish Passover encompasses the Feast of Unleavened Bread (Mazzot), which is mentioned in Exodus 23:15 ff, and the Passover festival itself, the slaughter of the lamb. The main passage for this is Exodus 11-13. It belongs to that somewhat later layer of the Torah in which the deity is no longer referred to in the plural form as Elohim ("gods"), but bears the name Yahō (Yahweh, "the Being"). The Jews are still in Egypt, and Jahweh orders them to steal silver and gold vessels from the Egyptians (ibid. 11:2 and 12:35 f) and to prepare to flee. He will kill the firstborn of the Egyptians and spare them if they follow his instructions. They are to slaughter a lamb in every house and smear the blood on the two doorposts and the threshold. When he goes out at midnight to strangle the Egyptians, the blood of the Lamb will be a sign to him that he will pass over those houses. The Jews are to sacrifice the lamb annually from then on in remembrance of the Exodus, in the month of Abib, with which they are to begin the year, at twilight on the14th of Abib. And they are to roast the lamb and eat it before morning, and shall not break any of its bones, and they are to have sandals on their feet and staffs in their hands at this sacrifice, as was the case at the Exodus. This remarkable passage reveals that, at the time of its writing, the Exodus was intended to mark the beginning of a new era, or at least to be related to an already existing one. Since the Jews observed the new moon and continually adjusted their months accordingly, the 14th day of Abib fell roughly at the time of the full moon. As this month, later known as Nisan, was the spring month, Passover came to be celebrated at the full moon of spring. [...] Easter celebrations from ancient times unfold before us, and we understand that the grief of destruction was once again powerfully felt before the jubilation over the new life germinating in spring was embraced. But however profound insights and confirmations of initial approaches we owe to comparative studies of Ostara among other Indo-European peoples, we cannot form any firm ideas about ancient Germanic Easters that go beyond these general findings and can show us a complete festival sequence—at least not yet. Aside from all other difficulties, one in particular hinders us: the solar year already strongly influences Easter beliefs, and this must be a layer that, while certainly pre-Christian, is nevertheless relatively younger. Thus, it is even doubtful whether we must imagine the victory of the bright Ostara before the three dark nights that are supposed to follow the demise of her adversary, or only afterward. Various systems and interpretations were possible here as well and were probably devised, and we certainly cannot rely on the original circumstances anymore. But however little of this may be entirely accurate, enough of the old tradition has been revealed to us to understand how the Germanic Easter festival merged with the ecclesiastical Passover and how the latter, which was not entirely contrary to Christianity, needed Easter itself.Source: "Ostern" Nationalsozialistiche Monatshefte Heft 61, Jahrgang, 6, April. Franz Eher Nachf Verlag München 1935 p.28 𝔊𝔬𝔱𝔱𝔤𝔩ä𝔲𝔟𝔦𝔤𝔨𝔢𝔦𝔱
𝐎𝐧 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐍𝐚𝐭𝐮𝐫𝐚𝐥 𝐖𝐢𝐥𝐥 𝐭𝐨 𝐋𝐢𝐯𝐞 𝐨𝐟 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐆𝐞𝐫𝐦𝐚𝐧𝐬
It should be emphasized from the outset that we are in no way advocating the teaching of history as it existed in the liberal pre-war period. Rather, in our criticisms of the November system, we must not forget that the gentlemen history teachers of the Wilhelmine era also achieved very little with their “objective” view of history, except insofar as they stubbornly pursued the simplest method of intellectual drill and essentially confined themselves to stringing together dates in an almost endless fashion, having these memorized, and then living under the illusion that they had thereby imparted to the youth an understanding of the history of their people. To this rote memorization of arbitrarily strung-together historical dates—driven into every young person to the point of bright despair—there was added, as a complement, an equally unpleasant kind of historical instruction that may be described as “dynastic-patriotic.” This took the form, in a Byzantinized and corrupted manner, of hollow phrases and flattery directed at crowned heads. Neither the mere memorization of historical dates, nor the recounting of “patriotic,” so-called “true events” of princes and potentates dripping with supposed human sentiment, has anything to do with the conception of history which, from the standpoint of National Socialism, alone is capable of educating the young person into a nationalist fanatic and a socialist fighter. [...] The National Socialist worldview is nothing less and nothing greater than the will of the German people, cast in its purest form, to lead and shape a life in accordance with their nature. This will is underpinned by centuries of struggle. Often in German history, it seemed as if this will had vanished. But time and again, it erupted like a volcano. This will is eternal and therefore marked by providence. What is great is always born of pain. This pain and this struggle, however, still find scarce justification in history books today. But in the legends and songs of our people, they are anchored; there the path is charted, unaffected by the intellectual manipulation of so-called historiography. Alongside these blood-red traditions, all rote learning and all dynastic patriotism disappear, for they have nothing to say to us today. Only in connection with the blood-soaked, tearful history of our people can the full, overarching grandeur of our National Socialist worldview be understood. And only in this way can we, on our evenings at home, around the solstices fires, and at the campfires on the German heath, tell young Germans the great two-thousand-year tragedy of our people and its struggles, and make it a lived experience. The blood in young hearts must once again beat and sing with the battle cries of two millennia past, and must look around to an immense energy of will, directed toward not surrendering the German struggle for their natural way of life to the retinue of the ancient, eternal enemies of German nationality, who still do not rest, regardless of the means, to destroy this will. Our history teachers, instead of mere repositories of historical dates and instead of ridiculous drill sergeants, should be the prophets and heralds of this will and desire, and our professors should finally systematically adapt their historical research, their seminars, and their doctoral dissertations to these demands, for our history is written in blood and therefore cannot be grasped solely through abstract reason. A youth that knows the history and mission of its people, that knows the struggles of its ancestors and sees the enemies, also has the unyielding will and the toughness to write the history of the people as the natural will to live demands.Source: "Vom artgemäßen Lebenswillen der Deutschen" Wille und Macht. Jarhgang 2, Heft 18, Sept. Deutscher Jugendverlag Berlin 1934 p.1 𝔊𝔬𝔱𝔱𝔤𝔩ä𝔲𝔟𝔦𝔤𝔨𝔢𝔦𝔱
𝐀 𝐏𝐡𝐢𝐥𝐨𝐬𝐨𝐩𝐡𝐲 𝐨𝐟 𝐑𝐚𝐜𝐞
Since the division of German science, based on medieval Christian values, into a fundamentally mutually exclusive natural science and a humanities discipline, unfortunately still hasn't been overcome, it is a significant event when a first "philosophy of race" that meets the standards of both the natural and humanities sciences appears. Along with Fritz Lenz's pamphlet "Race as a Value Principle" from 1917, Siegfried Blaas's work, "The Idea of Race: A biological and philosophical foundation." is likely the most substantial foundation to date for establishing a genetic philosophy based on the heritability of the "I," the "genos." Thirdly, Rüdiger von Steinbach's excellent book "The Victory of Life—Is the Meaning of the World?" with its "philosophy of rhythm," which ultimately also amounts to a genetic philosophy, should be mentioned. Such a genetic philosophy has become a necessary task the moment the "absolute spontaneity" of an "intelligible I" in Kant's sense is called into question by the fact of the hereditary causality of the spiritual. The central problems addressed from this new standpoint are therefore the mind-body problem and the problem of freedom (free will). After discussing the two fundamental tenets of racial theory: 1. The descent of humans from animal ancestors (theory of descent) 2. The heritability of body and soul. Blaas turns, in the "metaphysical" part of his book, first to the mind-body problem. After rejecting "common materialism" (Büchner-Haeckel) as an explanation for the relationship between body and mind, Blaas also dismisses the "ontological mechanism," because "then the world as a whole would be nothing more than the zone of penetration and the field of action of primordial building blocks." According to Blaas, such a "dead world" would be "the most terrible and unbearable thing imaginable" for our sensibilities. However, it could be argued against this that truth need not necessarily conform to what is agreeable to our feelings. Blaas, in this sense a vitalist, although he distances himself from Driesch, bases his theory on the characteristic of the "spontaneity" of the living (not to be confused with the spontaneity of the "self") and consequently builds a "doctrine of all life." [...] Blaas asks: “What, in fact, is this uncanny ‘ghost from the fourth dimension’?” For: “One thing is quite clear: if the inherent laws of cultural life and its essential determination can truly be proven to originate from a supernatural realm of ideas, then race becomes a completely incidental aspect of humanity.” (p. 291.) In contrast, the motto of racial philosophy is Adolf Hitler's statement from "Mein Kampf," p. 315: "Without human beings, there are no human ideas in this world; therefore, the idea as such is always conditioned by the existence of human beings and thus by all the laws that created the conditions for this existence. And not only that! Certain ideas are even bound to certain human beings." In summary, Blaas concludes: “The objective spirit,” as a sum of spirit-formed, inter-individual, and supra-subjectively significant constructs of meaning, is without independent being and life; it is, in itself, without essence; it is a product of individual human souls.” (p. 312.) The consequence for the philosophy of history then follows naturally from this position: “Real history is first and foremost racial history and then intellectual (or even idea) history.” (p. 317.) Such a view cannot be described as “mechanistic.” That is only possible as long as race itself is considered something devoid of spirit. However, by demonstrating the unity of body and mind, as well as the heritability of the spiritual and thus of the spiritual-racial, one can no longer speak of mechanical laws, but must speak of laws of life and being. This real existence, however, justifies the necessity of a genetic or racial philosophy.Source: "Eine Philosophie der Rasse" Nationalsozialistische Monatshefte. Heft 161, Jahrgang 15. Franz Eher Nachf Verlag München 1944 p.79 𝔊𝔬𝔱𝔱𝔤𝔩ä𝔲𝔟𝔦𝔤𝔨𝔢𝔦𝔱
𝐓𝐡𝐞𝐨𝐫𝐲 𝐨𝐟 𝐄𝐯𝐨𝐥𝐮𝐭𝐢𝐨𝐧 𝐚𝐧𝐝 𝐌𝐨𝐝𝐞𝐫𝐧 𝐁𝐢𝐨𝐥𝐨𝐠𝐲
Medieval mystical modes of thought disappeared from research; biology became a genuine natural science. The victory of the theory of evolution was complete and final. Today, the genetic view of life seems self-evident to us, and we have almost forgotten what a bitter and vicious campaign the denominations and reactionaries waged against the theory of evolution, and which they are attempting to wage again today wherever they can. With the turn of the century began the magnificent development of genetics. While it initially stood alone alongside the theory of evolution, at least in certain subfields, today it has merged with it. The theory of evolution and genetics form an inseparable unity, having fused into a general, comprehensive genetics, which, as a modern natural science, tackles the problems of development with the cleanest methodology and tackles them successfully! Given this state of affairs, given the now very intensive genetic permeation of all biological work, it is astonishing when one asks in circles that are further removed from biology what they imagine by the theory of evolution, the theory of ancestry, etc., what they have heard about it and what significance they attribute to it for the present day. At a time when a brilliant government is using a core idea of the theory of evolution, namely the selection of the best and most useful, i.e., what we biologically call Darwinism, to save our people from biological extinction, the cry rings out: Darwinism?...That's just Western liberalism! That's just mechanism and materialism, that belongs to the system of Marxism. Those who take up such claims—and we know where they come from—are likely quite unaware of the complete lack of basis in these supposed connections. No one has demonstrated why biological Darwinism, the aristocratic principle of natural selection, is related to materialism or even Marxism! Then one hears: "The theory of evolution itself—that's just ape theory!" Then the names of Darwin and Haeckel are mentioned, and with a smug smile, it's declared: "That's all been refuted long ago." Here one becomes aware that a historical and extensive, predominantly orthodox propaganda has managed to present internal discussions about special questions of developmental history as fundamental, thereby characterizing the theory of evolution as at least an unproven hypothesis. [...] However, let it now be stated: Within biology, the fundamental correctness of the theory of evolution is no longer up for debate, especially in circles disparagingly referred to as "conventional school biology" and slandered as materialistic. As things stand, this would be grotesque. We biologists in the National Socialist state certainly have more pressing matters to attend to at present. [...] We would better turn to our objective work, and it is the task of this essay to give an overview of what stands before us as the all-pervading edifice of the theory of evolution. Our task is furthermore to characterize this theory of evolution in its biological significance to the National Socialist state.Source: "Abstammungslehre und moderne Biologie" Nationalsozialistische Monatshefte Heft 79, Jahrgang 7, October. Franz Eher Nachf Verlag München 1936 p.2 𝔊𝔬𝔱𝔱𝔤𝔩ä𝔲𝔟𝔦𝔤𝔨𝔢𝔦𝔱
𝐓𝐡𝐞 𝐒𝐭𝐚𝐟𝐟 𝐨𝐟 𝐀𝐬𝐜𝐥𝐞𝐩𝐢𝐮𝐬 𝐚𝐧𝐝 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐌𝐚𝐧 𝐑𝐮𝐧𝐞
During the period in which the Norse symbols originated—according to recent research, this even extends back to the Middle Stone Age—the snake is entirely absent. It appears relatively late to our ancestors, and its path, once it emerges in the Hallstatt period around 600 BCE, can easily be traced back to the Danube region and from there to Asia Minor. However, wherever it appears in Central Europe, whether among Germanic, Illyrian, or Celtic peoples, it is the explicit symbol of death. As such, we find it on cinerary urns and on the Alemannic funerary trees. Even in Germanic mythology, it plays only a life-destroying role. Consider the Midgard Serpent, or recall Nidhogg, the dragon who sits beneath the world tree Yggdrasil, surrounded by snakes and adders, and who, together with them, gnaws at the root of the world tree to destroy it. Even outside our cultural sphere, the snake is the symbol of death as soon as we come to Aryan peoples. The situation was different in the cultures of Asia Minor. While in South Babylon, where Semitic influence is relatively late, the snake was initially considered an evil spirit, this changed as it traveled further west and north into Babylon. Here, the snake acquired a new attribute: that of wisdom. And with this, it appears in the Old Testament, the Jewish tribal saga that originated during the Jewish exile to Babylon, in order to finally awaken a sense of national identity among the Jews. Until then, they had lacked this sense of national identity, as, until the time of their exile, they, as nomads, knew no higher, lasting bond than that of their tribe. We also find the snake in the Cretan-Minoan cultural sphere around 1600 BCE. Here, it is the companion of a goddess. Many figurines of this goddess, or her priestesses, have survived, their attire indicating that this was a decidedly non-Nordic phenomenon. In Egypt, the snake was known as a divine symbol from an early period. In northern Western Asia, we finally find the snake as an attendant of the moon goddess. And with this, the snake gained its connection to healing. The moon goddess was also the goddess of women's health, naturally because of menstruation. Looking in this context at the Temple in Jerusalem, we find bronze snakes there as late as Hezekiah's time (around 715 BCE), which were venerated as bringing health. In the legend of the Israelites' journey through the desert, however, the staff joins the snake. Moses hangs a metal snake from it. The Staff of Asclepius was complete. In Hezekiah's time, the Dipylonian style prevailed in Greece. During its later period, Greece lost its northern orientation. Gods from Asia Minor invaded. Athena, the wise goddess from Asia Minor, emerged, and her attribute, long before the owl, was the snake, which she later had to relinquish to Asclepius, or Aesculapius. It remained associated with this demigod until the collapse of classical antiquity. Thus, it disappeared from the public consciousness for 1000 years. Only about 150 years ago was this symbol of the Near East revived and established itself as a symbol of healing. Contrary to some beliefs, the Staff of Asclepius is not traditional in our cultural sphere. The SA, Hitler Youth, and Reich Labor Service health services, along with German pharmacists, therefore chose a new symbol: the Manrune. The associations had every right to do so. At a time when so much that is alien disappears into the junk room of the obsolete, never to resurface, we need not hesitate to embrace venerable traditions dating back 150 to 200 years. The new, yet ancient, symbol for the aforementioned associations, the Manrune, is one of the few symbols we can trace uninterruptedly back to our Neolithic period, not on funerary urns, but on everyday vessels. The new symbol is simply called the Manrune because it appears as a rune in the Futhark, the Germanic alphabet.Source: "Aeskulapstab und Manrune" Der Schulungsbrief. Jahrgang VI, Folge 2, February. Franz Eher Nachf Verlag Berlin 1939 p.32 𝔊𝔬𝔱𝔱𝔤𝔩ä𝔲𝔟𝔦𝔤𝔨𝔢𝔦𝔱
𝐇𝐞𝐢𝐧𝐫𝐢𝐜𝐡 𝐇𝐢𝐦𝐦𝐥𝐞𝐫'𝐬 𝐩𝐥𝐚𝐧 𝐭𝐨 𝐫𝐞𝐩𝐚𝐭𝐫𝐢𝐚𝐭𝐞 𝐞𝐭𝐡𝐧𝐢𝐜 𝐆𝐞𝐫𝐦𝐚𝐧𝐬 𝐟𝐫𝐨𝐦 𝐀𝐦𝐞𝐫𝐢𝐜𝐚 𝐚𝐧𝐝 𝐀𝐟𝐫𝐢𝐜𝐚 𝐚𝐟𝐭𝐞𝐫 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐰𝐚𝐫
1. Over the course of decades, perhaps centuries, Germans from all tribes and regions have emigrated overseas, initially recruited by agents, but later by Germans who were already there. While they have mostly retained their language, they are completely separated from their motherland in national and, above all, political terms, and especially from Adolf Hitler's Greater German Reich. It is our task to bring every person of German blood who has any value back to the German Reich to settle the lands it has conquered. 2. This task can be accomplished in the same way that Germans were brought out of Germany through personal recruitment: every single family must be brought back through personal ties. 3. The task of collecting addresses must be entrusted to the VDA (Association of Germans Abroad), since only through these entirely apolitical means can the majority of the politically corrupted ethnic Germans be brought back. If this collection were carried out by the party, it would mean that we would fail to register millions of Germans abroad—especially in America, where we have no real power—and thus fail to encourage their return. 4. I instruct the Gau offices for civic affairs to support this work of the new unified VDA association in every way, without, however, taking the party's position to the forefront in any way. 5. The organization and work will be as follows: The VDA will establish a research center for Germans abroad in each Gau. However, this center will not be called "Research Center for Germans Abroad," as in Hanover, for example, but rather "Research Center for Lower Saxony Abroad," while the same center in Pomerania will be called "Research Center for Pomerania Abroad." The research centers will be grouped into working groups at specific points, corresponding to the regional sections, with the sole task of exchanging addresses and not of creating a new central registry. The research centers in East Hanover, Hanover-South Brunswick, and Oldenburg will therefore be combined to form the "Working Group of Lower Saxony Abroad." I have commissioned a study of the organization of the various regional associations of men familiar with ethnic German culture in America. Führer-Hauptquartier, April 23, 1942Source: BArch NS 19/1467 "Über die Rückholung der Volksdeutschen aus Amerika und Afrika nach dem Kriege." p.5-7 𝔊𝔬𝔱𝔱𝔤𝔩ä𝔲𝔟𝔦𝔤𝔨𝔢𝔦𝔱
𝐁𝐥𝐨𝐨𝐝 𝐚𝐧𝐝 𝐑𝐚𝐜𝐞 𝐚𝐬 𝐋𝐚𝐰𝐬 𝐨𝐟 𝐋𝐢𝐟𝐞
To safeguard the power of blood, the foundation of a meaningful human existence, for our people, and to entrust the leadership and care of our people only to members of our own kind, the NSDAP program demands: Point 4: "Only those who are members of the German people can be citizens. Only those of German blood can be members of the German people, regardless of religious affiliation. No Jew can therefore be a member of the German people." Point 5: "Those who are not citizens should only live in Germany as guests and must be subject to alien laws." Point 6: “The right to determine the leadership and laws of the state may only belong to the citizen. Therefore, we demand that every public office, regardless of its nature, whether in the Reich, state, or municipality, may only be held by citizens. We oppose the corrupt parliamentary system of filling positions solely based on party affiliation, without regard for character or ability.” Germanic customs that have survived to this day reveal that our ancestors already understood the value of pure blood. They practiced careful racial selection. They allowed only descendants who possessed health and full strength to fulfill the duties of farming and land ownership to enter the line of succession. By thus protecting their blood from the transmission of diseased hereditary traits, they ensured the strength and health of our people. Only when racial mixing, as a result of the false doctrine that all who bear a human face are equal, was no longer considered a transgression against divine law, were the racial hygiene measures of our ancestors forgotten. It was forgotten that the eternal life of a people is grounded in race and the health of its blood. In his book "Mein Kampf," the Führer emphasized the necessity of racial hygiene, stressing that it was a half-measure to allow incurably ill people the constant possibility of contaminating the rest of the healthy population. This, he argued, would be a form of humanity that, in order to spare one person a single victim, would allow a hundred others to perish. The demand that defective individuals be prevented from procreating other, equally defective offspring was a demand of the clearest reason and, if implemented systematically, would represent the most humane act of humankind. It would spare millions of unfortunate people undeserved suffering and, consequently, lead to an overall increase in health. Point 24 of the party program also emphatically called for the improvement of public health. Based on these ideas, the Reich government enacted the "Law for the Prevention of Hereditarily Diseased Offspring" on July 14, 1933. National Socialism does not consider the individual human being to be the measure of all things. The nation, the community, its happiness, health, and well-being are considered the highest and most desirable. However, the nation is not a sum of individuals, but rather the living stream of blood that flows from generation to generation, encompassing all its bearers as human beings of the same blood within a community. This stream of blood is to be and remain pure for all time. A person's character, everything that shapes them both outwardly and inwardly, is rooted in their blood. They receive their predispositions and their nature through their blood. Their genetic makeup determines their destiny.Source: "Blut und Rasse als Lebensgesetze" Der Schulungsbrief. Mensch und Gemeinschaft. Sonderdruck 3: Der Reichsorganisationsleiter - Hauptschulungsamt der NSDAP. Franz Eher Nachf Verlag Berlin 1942 p.3 𝔊𝔬𝔱𝔱𝔤𝔩ä𝔲𝔟𝔦𝔤𝔨𝔢𝔦𝔱
𝐆𝐞𝐫𝐦𝐚𝐧𝐲
It was a long road the German people had to travel to reach the Greater German Reich on March 13, 1938. Their yearning for this Reich is as old as their history. What their best sons dreamed of has become reality. Walther von der Vogelweide (1170–1230), a son of the Tyrolean mountains, did not sing a hymn of praise to German loyalty and the German way in his first national anthem for nothing. Ulrich von Hutten (1488–1523) did not fight in vain. The seeds of faithful devotion for the resurrection of the fatherland, sown in great wars and in daily work, have sprouted. Ernst Moritz Arndt's words, "To be one people is the religion of our time," which he once proclaimed as a proclamation of the path to liberation for the fatherland, enslaved and torn apart by Napoleon, have become the lifeblood of every German. The legend of the slumbering emperor in the Kyffhäuser, who will return once the ravens of German discord have been driven away by the eagles of the Reich, speaks of this German longing, to which the song of all Germans, which Hoffmann von Fallersleben gave us and which is our national anthem today, also belongs. It served as a guiding principle (1871) in the founding of the Second German Reich, an act of Bismarck. The heroism of the World War and the struggle of Adolf Hitler are just as vivid witnesses to its influence as the creation of the Greater German Reich and the future-oriented work of all its most beautiful expression in our time. Before that, however, lies more than a millennium of German history, stretching back to the first unification of Germanic tribes into a German people and a German state. This period encompasses the greatness of Germanic tribal dukes and the deeds of German emperors of the Middle Ages, leading from the first Reich, the Holy Roman Empire of the German Nation, through the still-smaller German Empire, to Adolf Hitler's Greater German Reich. Germanic history reaches back millennia further. It is equally German history, for it lays the foundation; for the Germanic peoples are the blood ancestors of the Germans. Our German history does not begin with Charlemagne, but with the megalithic tombs of the heath, as Alfred Rosenberg once said. If we want to fully understand our German history, however, we must look back to our Germanic ancestors, to their achievements, their way of life, and their spirit. For time and again, and in all areas—ethnic, intellectual, and political—the Germanic blood heritage has proven to be a decisive force within our people. Despite all the external influences on the political and cultural life of Germany, the Germanic element has repeatedly asserted itself with elemental force within the German people. Germanic customs still live on today in many forms. Our flag proudly displays the symbol of our Germanic ancestors. On farmsteads, runes and sacred symbols are still displayed, as they have been for millennia. In rural traditions, the customs and practices of our ancestors still live on, even if often under different names and with different meanings, and not always recognized as Germanic. National Socialism called to the soul of our people and once again made the values and virtues to which it owes its past the foundation of our national order. Adolf Hitler cleared the way for our true nature, which had been buried under the influence of false doctrines. And the German people understood him, remembering the great commonality that unites all Germans beyond profession and creed. It reflected on its heritage, in which we all, belonging to the German people, share: The Nordic blood, which once developed its vitality in the harsh environment of the North, bequeathed its virtues and creative power to us as the legacy of the Nordic race. The blood of the Nordic race, with varying proportions from related European races, constitutes the German people.Source: "Deutschland" Der Schulungsbrief. Unser Reich. Sonderdruck 4: Der Reichsorganisationsleiter - Hauptschulungsamt der NSDAP. Franz Eher Nachf Verlag Berlin 1942 p.8 𝔊𝔬𝔱𝔱𝔤𝔩ä𝔲𝔟𝔦𝔤𝔨𝔢𝔦𝔱
𝐇𝐢𝐭𝐥𝐞𝐫 𝐨𝐧 𝐫𝐚𝐜𝐢𝐚𝐥 𝐡𝐢𝐞𝐫𝐚𝐫𝐜𝐡𝐲 𝐢𝐧 𝐬𝐭𝐚𝐭𝐞-𝐛𝐮𝐢𝐥𝐝𝐢𝐧𝐠
It is part of the nature of this Nordic racial core, this Nordic race in general, that suddenly, seized by a wandering instinct, it sets out individually but also as a whole and now somehow wants to subjugate the world, often failing, but often also achieving success. This is the beginning of state formation. The state is in itself the enemy of a race, because the state is not the organization of a race, but it is the organization of some races under the leadership of a race. Therefore, the moment the state race, i.e. the race that formed the state, becomes weak, the individual racial nuclei immediately strive not towards each other, but apart. At this moment, differentiation immediately begins to occur, and then - I would like to say - primal instincts begin to come to life, which are completely different from one another. The fight of all against all begins, and at such a moment racial hostility suddenly comes to life under a wide variety of concepts because people are naturally no longer aware of it and can no longer be aware of it. What we sometimes call the struggle of the proletariat is not a social struggle, but rather the struggle of a particular race that is now trying to become free again. If this racial struggle takes on anarchist characteristics, it is because these racial nuclei do not have the organizational aspects of the current state at all, but because these racial nuclei would no longer exist, like rabbits or something else. They would form a race, but they do not have a state-forming power. Therefore, in Russia too, pure Slavism constantly tends towards stubborn nihilism, i.e. towards negating every form of government and every organization in which it sees a violation of individual rights, which for them actually do not extend beyond the family and clan. Therefore, in Russia in particular, a state, i.e. a larger community and thus a people, could only be maintained if these individual instincts were suppressed or eliminated using barbaric means. Whether it was Tsarism or now Bolshevism is completely irrelevant; The methods are the same, but there may be individual differences in the objectives.Source: BArch NS 6/777 Ansprache des Führers an die Feldmarschälle und Generale am 27. 1. 1944 in der Wolfsschanze p.47-49 𝔊𝔬𝔱𝔱𝔤𝔩ä𝔲𝔟𝔦𝔤𝔨𝔢𝔦𝔱
𝐒𝐞𝐥𝐞𝐜𝐭𝐢𝐨𝐧 𝐚𝐧𝐝 𝐄𝐥𝐢𝐦𝐢𝐧𝐚𝐭𝐢𝐨𝐧
Selection and elimination are processes that have been effective in Nature as well as in human society since the beginning and that represent popular concepts in both the natural and social sciences. Selection of the capable and elimination of the harmful is the timeless catchphrase. As clear and self-evident as they sound, however, very different ideas are associated with them. Ideas that change not only from age to age, from race to race, but also from people to people, from generation to generation, indeed from class to class and from person to person. In democracy and liberalism, there is no standard for this at all, because every party, every professional group, every ideological community, indeed every association and every braggart had its own standard for success and failure and used all its influence to operate with it against the others. In Marxism, this standard is the stubbornness of the materialist sentiment and the reliability of the class struggle. In reactionary conservatism, it is the aptitude for backward developments and the willingness to tolerate them; in capitalism, finally, the ability to make money in general. We all witnessed how these fundamental characteristics of political groups could manifest themselves in their purest form and in manifold overlaps on the soil of November Germany. It was a futile undertaking at that time to establish or even apply an absolute standard of competence. It was even more difficult to deal with the vermin, because Jewish literature had indeed succeeded in politically pitting Christian charity against the strength and sound national sentiment of the people. National Socialism must also rebuild here from the ground up. Its firmly established goals, derived from the people, from their happiness, greatness, and eternity, provide the prerequisite for unambiguous German standards for selection and elimination. The people, with their millions of individual expressions of life that change from day to day, are already in a constantly flowing, self-regulating process of selection and elimination. The capable rise above them and some fall back into the masses, the incapable sink from the upper classes to the lower. What cannot be accomplished in an individual life unfolds relentlessly in the generational cycle. Talents are indeed hereditary, but the other qualities that enable a talent to achieve greatness, such as discipline and character, have been lacking in many an inherited talent, thus sealing the fate of the family. This process of self-regulating selection and elimination in all branches of human life and of nature in general is larger than life. We can perhaps discern its tendencies, perhaps even its laws, but there is nothing to regulate there. Everyone is the architect of their own fortune, and they should remain so. This process of automatic selection and elimination in all branches of human life and nature in general is larger than life. We can perhaps discern its tendencies, maybe even its laws, but there is nothing to regulate there. Everyone is the architect of their own fortune, and they should remain so. Education as a whole can certainly increase the nation's awareness of health, performance, and strength by nurturing and cultivating these qualities in each individual, but education is always dependent on the substance that is present and malleable for this purpose. [...] It will incorporate selection and elimination according to the needs of the National Socialist movement and its conception of national life. A healthy national consciousness does not seek to restrict natural selection and elimination through weak laws, nor beyond the limitations imposed by civilization. The artificial selection and elimination that is our task is not to oppose natural selection, but to support it.Source: "Anslefe und Ansmerze" Wille und Macht Jahragang 2, Heft 10, May. Deutscher Jugendverlag Berlin 1934 p.6 𝔊𝔬𝔱𝔱𝔤𝔩ä𝔲𝔟𝔦𝔤𝔨𝔢𝔦𝔱
