Records of Metamodern Racist
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Repost from Lance's Legion
"In our ranks fought old field soldiers, who performed their military handiwork with a self-evident calm...Their manner of expression was of terrifying roughness. Their songs were no way of high moral content. They smiled contemptuously at any patriotic manner of speaking. But they were everywhere there, where it was dangerous. They lived in a loud, wild joy, but they let even the most intoxicating drink get stale, if the thunder of guns announced battle."
— Kurt Eggers
Tradcons are closeted faggots.
https://twitter.com/JackPosobiec/status/1737994275160207547?t=E-lEBJvHzou0mbCcfmsIJw&s=19
Repost from Esoteric Dixie Dharma
But instinct is something which transcends knowledge. We have, undoubtedly, certain finer fibers that enable us to perceive truths when logical deduction, or any other willful effort of the brain, is futile.
– Nikola Tesla
Repost from The Nietzschean Dawn
Aim high like an Archer
Not simply to have lofty aims - but as a means to reaching the most distant targets
Machiavelli
Repost from The Nietzschean Dawn
Never-ending conquest, subjugation of space and seizure of power by all means possible is the eternal law of life.
Repost from Diary of an Underground Ronin
"My conception of freedom. — The value of a thing sometimes does not lie in that which one attains by it, but in what one pays for it — what it costs us. I shall give an example. Liberal institutions cease to be liberal as soon as they are attained: later on, there are no worse and no more thorough injurers of freedom than liberal institutions. Their effects are known well enough: they undermine the will to power; they level mountain and valley, and call that morality; they make men small, cowardly, and hedonistic — every time it is the herd animal that triumphs with them. Liberalism: in other words, herd-animalization.
These same institutions produce quite different effects while they are still being fought for; then they really promote freedom in a powerful way. On closer inspection it is war that produces these effects, the war for liberal institutions, which, as a war, permits illiberal instincts to continue. And war educates for freedom. For what is freedom? That one has the will to assume responsibility for oneself. That one maintains the distance which separates us. That one becomes more indifferent to difficulties, hardships, privation, even to life itself. That one is prepared to sacrifice human beings for one's cause, not excluding oneself. Freedom means that the manly instincts which delight in war and victory dominate over other instincts, for example, over those of "pleasure." The human being who has become free — and how much more the spirit who has become free — spits on the contemptible type of well-being dreamed of by shopkeepers, Christians, cows, females, Englishmen, and other democrats. The free man is a warrior.
How is freedom measured in individuals and peoples? According to the resistance which must be overcome, according to the exertion required, to remain on top. The highest type of free men should be sought where the highest resistance is constantly overcome: five steps from tyranny, close to the threshold of the danger of servitude. This is true psychologically if by "tyrants" are meant inexorable and fearful instincts that provoke the maximum of authority and discipline against themselves; most beautiful type: Julius Caesar. This is true politically too; one need only go through history. The peoples who had some value, attained some value, never attained it under liberal institutions: it was great danger that made something of them that merits respect. Danger alone acquaints us with our own resources, our virtues, our armor and weapons, our spirit, and forces us to be strong. First principle: one must need to be strong — otherwise one will never become strong.
Those large hothouses for the strong — for the strongest kind of human being that has so far been known — the aristocratic commonwealths of the type of Rome or Venice, understood freedom exactly in the sense in which I understand it: as something one has or does not have, something one wants, something one conquers."
— Nietzsche
"We need to secure the Red Sea route"
"fuck you western imperialist infidel"
"Operation Prosperity Guardian "
...
"Billion of Yemeni will die"
Repost from The Nietzschean Dawn
"The Greeks, the most humane people of ancient time, have a trait of cruelty, of tiger-like pleasure in destruction, in them: a trait which is even clearly visible in Alexander the Great and which, in their whole history, and also their mythology, must strike fear into us when we approach them with the emasculated idea of modern humanity.
...
The Greek regarded a full release of his hatred as a serious necessity; at such moments pent-up, swollen sensation found relief: the tiger charged out, deliberate cruelty flickering in its terrible eyes.
Why did the Greek sculptor repeatedly have to represent war and battles with endless repetition, human bodies stretched out, their veins taut with hatred or the arrogance of triumph, the wounded doubled up, the dying in agony?
...
In order to understand it, we must assume that Greek genius acknowledged the existing impulse, terrible as it was, and regarded it as justified. Combat and the pleasure of victory were acknowledged: and nothing severs the Greek world so sharply from ours as the resultant colouring of individual ethical concepts, for example Eris and envy."
Friedrich Nietzsche, 'Homer's Contest'
Repost from Arktos
“Racialism presents itself as greater than nationalism, because to feel of the same race, even when this expression is meant to be more of a myth than a reality, is greater than to feel as being of the same nation. As a political myth, race is the living nation, which is not enclosed in abstract, judicial or territorial limits, or exhausting itself within a simple unity of civilization, language or history. The concept of race goes deeper than this, reaches the origins, inseparable from a sentiment of continuity, and touches the deepest chords of the human being.”
— Julius Evola, ‘Synthesis of a Doctrine of Race’ (1941)
