ᛋ 𝐍𝐒-𝐋𝐈𝐓𝐄𝐑𝐀𝐓𝐔𝐑 ᛋ

𝐃𝐈𝐑𝐄𝐂𝐓 𝐍𝐀𝐓𝐈𝐎𝐍𝐀𝐋 𝐒𝐎𝐂𝐈𝐀𝐋𝐈𝐒𝐓 𝐃𝐎𝐂𝐓𝐑𝐈𝐍𝐄: ᴘᴀɢᴇ 1 1.) Personality and the Völkisch State concept 2.) Foundations of the National Socialist State 3.) On the National Socialist Economy 4.) National Socialist Racial Theory 5.) National Socialism as the exclusively Germanic expression 6.) National Socialism Vs Fascism 7.) Hitler's unpublished second book 8.) The Socialist Ethic in National Socialism

𝐂𝐎𝐍𝐓𝐄𝐌𝐏𝐎𝐑𝐀𝐑𝐘 𝐀𝐑𝐓𝐈𝐂𝐋𝐄𝐒: ᴘᴀɢᴇ 2 50.) On the Natural Will to Live of the Germans 51.) Easter 52.) Equal Rights for German Non-Christians! 53.) The Fundamental Educational Ideas of the Young Nietzsche 54.) Nietzsche's Zarathustra 55.) The Training of the German Volk 56.) Our Struggle 57.) To Love and to Fight 58.) The Idea of World Domination in the Last Millennium and Its Replacement by the Organic State 59.) Germania: From the Family to the Reich 60.) The New Task 61.) The Naysayers on the Lighthouse 62.) The World-Historical Turning Point of the Middle Ages 63.) We have the New idea 64.) The Führer's Career 65.) Nietzsche on Breeding and Cultivation 66.) About the idea of the Reich 67.) What is Positive Christianity? 68.) Political Struggle on Religious Ground 69.) German-Nordic Religiosity 70.) Germanic sacred sites 71.) The SS on Americanism 72.) The Struggle for Intellectual Freedom 73.) What does Nietzsche mean to us Today? He was a fighter against the madness of democracy

𝐂𝐎𝐍𝐓𝐄𝐌𝐏𝐎𝐑𝐀𝐑𝐘 𝐀𝐑𝐓𝐈𝐂𝐋𝐄𝐒: ᴘᴀɢᴇ 1 1.) The Myth of the Hitler Youth 2.) On Ancient World Jewry 3.) The Racial concept of National Socialism 4.) The New German Man 5.) Politics and Morality 6.) A Reckoning with Old Values 7.) Racial Twilight and its Mastery through Spirit and Deed as a Question of Destiny for White People 8.) The Spiritual Significance of the Germanic Solstice 9.) Turning Point of the Age 10.) Race and Worldview 11.) Meaning and Path of the Swastika 12.) Widukind: Blood and Soil 13.) On the History of National Socialism 14.) Mother Earth — Fatherland 15.) Where Do the Runes Come from? 16.) The Nordic basis of Ancient Rome 17.) ᛋᛋ: Race as the forefront concept 18.) The Peasantry as a National Source of Life 19.) What leads to the downfall of Nations? 20.) The Struggle for Blood and Soil 21.) The Germanic ideal of Loyalty 22.) God dwells only in proud hearts 23.) The Mission of Reichsleiter Alfred Rosenberg 24.) Symbol of Life 25.) The German Peasant 26.) The Jewish Phenomenon in the United States of America 27.) National Socialist Education 28.) The Jewish Question 29.) Volkstum as Heritage 30.) The Jews are a Race not exclusively a religion 31.) Connected to Nature: Slogan or Conviction 32.) The Battle for the Rhine 33.) Biology and Worldview 34.) Race and Species Formation Through Heredity, Selection and Breeding 35.) What Are We Fighting For? 36.) The unspoken psychology behind the Jewish Question 37.) The Case for the Dignity of Honoring the Dead 38.) How does Europe achieve its economic freedom and independence?

𝐖𝐡𝐚𝐭 𝐝𝐨𝐞𝐬 𝐍𝐢𝐞𝐭𝐳𝐬𝐜𝐡𝐞 𝐦𝐞𝐚𝐧 𝐭𝐨 𝐮𝐬 𝐭𝐨𝐝𝐚𝐲? 𝐇𝐞 𝐰𝐚𝐬 𝐚 𝐟𝐢𝐠𝐡𝐭𝐞𝐫 𝐚𝐠𝐚𝐢𝐧𝐬𝐭 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐦𝐚𝐝𝐧𝐞𝐬𝐬 𝐨𝐟 𝐝𝐞𝐦𝐨𝐜𝐫𝐚𝐜𝐲.

Friedrich Nietzsche is increasingly seen today as a forerunner of their world. One doubts that in the writings of this man, who boasted of having circumscribed the entire scope of the modern soul and seen it with his profound insight, one finds many a word that seems to justify such claims. But anyone who looks beyond individual instances and considers his fundamental intellectual stance will have to marvel at the audacity with which he, the first and most astute anti-democrat, is portrayed as a champion of democracy. Nietzsche hated and fought against democracy in every form, political as well as intellectual, and he did not shy away from the harshest expressions of this unleashing. It, which he calls "a unleashing of diseases, of the mistreatment of weaknesses," represents for him a disbelief in great people and in elite societies: "But that is enough already." Basically, we are all selfish cattle and rabble. He sees rabble-rousing as a sign of the democratic age: the belief in the equality of all people, and the establishment of the weak, the complacent, the cowardly as the norm for this supposedly equal humanity. Both, however, are contrary to nature. For nature knows no equality, and all progress, all great deeds and ideas, have been the work of great, tough individuals. Anyone with even a superficial knowledge of Nietzsche's thought knows that these radically anti-elitist views are rooted in the Middle Ages. The doctrine of equality, the "concern for the afflicted," is for him a divine duty, because it signifies "the end of all justice": Just is he who is strong, healthy, and courageous, possessing both right and power. That is how nature wills it. Democracy aims for the opposite: "Insofar as the masses rule, they realize the exceptional," says Nietzsche, and with utmost clarity he recognizes and articulates what we have witnessed so horribly in the last ten years: "The tyranny of the least and palest: that is the conclusion of modern ideas." That everywhere in nature there is a rule, that life itself is a consequence of struggle, this is what it always means.

Source: "Was ist uns Nietzsche heute? Er war ein Kämpfer gegen den Wahnwitz der Democratie", Völkischer Beobachter, August 24, 1930 𝔊𝔬𝔱𝔱𝔤𝔩ä𝔲𝔟𝔦𝔤𝔨𝔢𝔦𝔱

"When we see German youth marching today under the swastika, we are reminded of Nietzsche's "Untimely Meditations," in which this youth was first addressed. It is our greatest hope that the state is open to this youth today. And when we shout to this youth: Heil Hitler! — with this cry we are also saluting Friedrich Nietzsche." Source: Nationalsozialistische Monatshefte: zentrale politische und kulturelle Zeitschrift der NSDAP., Volume 5, Issue 49 (Zentralverlag der NSDAP., Franz Eher Nachf., 1934) p.10

𝐓𝐡𝐞 𝐒𝐭𝐫𝐮𝐠𝐠𝐥𝐞 𝐟𝐨𝐫 𝐈𝐧𝐭𝐞𝐥𝐥𝐞𝐜𝐭𝐮𝐚𝐥 𝐅𝐫𝐞𝐞𝐝𝐨𝐦 Ｐａｒｔ （２／２）

We enjoy the achievements of technology without giving it much thought, and take the undisturbed work of natural science and the free scientific study of Nature for granted. We far too rarely consider that free natural science and the scientific approach to nature, the foundations of all the achievements of the modern world, were established by a single race, the Germanic, and won in a fierce world-historical struggle. Free natural science was won in the most arduous battle against the paralyzing dogma of the Roman Catholic Church, a battle that cost much precious blood and caused countless suffering; it also had to be fought against orthodox Protestantism. "What we call science today is a uniquely Germanic racial creation; it is not some technical result, but the consequence of a unique way of questioning the universe... Science, too, is a consequence of blood." (Alfred Rosenberg.) The world-historical struggle for free natural science, in which the Germanic spirit cast off the constraints of ecclesiastical doctrine, stretched roughly from the mid-16th century to the 18th century. A recent work has accompanied the description of the triumph of the new ideas in the 18th century with the sobering, cold statement: "Previously, their proponents were simply burned at the stake." While not everyone met a fiery death on the Inquisition's pyre, the Roman Catholic Church cruelly persecuted anyone who challenged the dominance of its doctrines in the realm of natural explanation. The Church taught that the earth was the center of the world and a fixed, immovable flat disc, with hell below it and heaven above as the place of resurrection. Since ecclesiastical scholasticism proclaimed that this doctrine established the truth once and for all, and that the sole task of human scientific endeavor was to continually prove it anew, its conception of nature was enforced by coercive means of all kinds. Every other view was suppressed, and access to sources that could have led to alternative understandings was forcibly blocked. As a result, for more than a millennium and a half, until about 1500, there was a period of stagnation in which no new, comprehensive knowledge of Nature was gained. (See, in this regard and for this entire section, the work of the famous German physicist and National Socialist Philipp Lenard on the "Great Natural Scientists".) A precursor of Germanic natural science was the 13th-century English Franciscan Roger Bacon, a great, far-sighted, and free spirit who rejected the rigid doctrines of Scholasticism and opened himself to an unfettered view of nature. Roger Bacon made the first discoveries about light radiation and invented the magnifying glass and the foundations of the telescope. Despite all the denials of political Catholicism, he became a martyr of the Germanic will to free inquiry. Bacon was persecuted and humiliated by his superiors and imprisoned for ten years. His writings were burned, and their dissemination was prevented. As soon as a free humanity could stir, we see it looking at nature with an uninhibited thirst for knowledge. Leonardo da Vinci (1452–1519) ushered in the new era. Based on brilliant observations of nature, he gained, without writing about them in any particular publication, the most accurate insights into nature and developed astonishing technical ideas that were only realized centuries later. His drawings offer a surprising glimpse into this. [...] The free questioning of Nature and the careful examination of all results against Nature—the two hallmarks of the Germanic spirit, which we find in all great Germanic natural scientists of the past and present—achieved the first great victory.

Source: "FreiesWelterkennen! Humanismus-Naturforschung-Aufklärung" Der Schulungsbrief Jahrgang IV, Folge 4 April. Franz Eher Nachf Verlag Berlin 1937 p.22 𝔊𝔬𝔱𝔱𝔤𝔩ä𝔲𝔟𝔦𝔤𝔨𝔢𝔦𝔱

𝐓𝐡𝐞 𝐒𝐭𝐫𝐮𝐠𝐠𝐥𝐞 𝐟𝐨𝐫 𝐈𝐧𝐭𝐞𝐥𝐥𝐞𝐜𝐭𝐮𝐚𝐥 𝐅𝐫𝐞𝐞𝐝𝐨𝐦 Ｐａｒｔ （１／２）

Three intellectual movements, born of the Reformation, liberated German thought from the constraints imposed by the medieval dominance of the ungermanic Roman Catholic doctrine: Humanism, free natural science, and the Enlightenment. All three movements had to direct their main attack against Scholasticism, in which the Roman Catholic doctrine reached the zenith of its power over German popular education. Scholasticism proclaimed that the Roman Catholic Church possessed eternal truth in all areas. It taught that, accordingly, the only thing that mattered was securing the dominance of ecclesiastical doctrines, of dogmas, in all spheres through the establishment of rigid, school-like rules. It subjugated all free knowledge and thought to these rules. The Germanic spirit was subjected to the tutelage of a theology that did not originate from its blood and did not correspond to its nature of seeking independent knowledge. As national sentiment stirred more strongly than ever before in Germany at the end of the 15th century, German humanism (the term derives from the Latin humanitas = humanity) rose up against the dominance of scholasticism. German humanism liberated German intellectual life from the pressures of scholasticism and theology. Driven by an independent national spirit, it pursued its own path toward the development of a free humanity, for which it nevertheless saw its models in classical Greece and Rome. As soon as the Germanic spirit was finally able to move more freely, it also shattered the paralyzing dominance of scholasticism in the study of nature. In the period from 1540 to 1700, Copernicus, Galileo, Kepler, and Newton made their great scientific discoveries based on free Germanic observation of nature, thus laying the foundations for all of modern natural science. The Enlightenment (i.e., the development of an understanding of independent, free thought), which dominated European thought in the 17th and 18th centuries, completely overcame Scholasticism in many areas of life. As its name suggests, it replaced theology with enlightenment, that is, with reason and independent thought. It banished Scholasticism from political theory, law, and morality. It put an end to the witch hunts in Germany. It not only liberated people's thinking but also reoriented their actions by focusing them on this world and practical utility. In politics, it initially supported the emerging absolute states in following their own laws and curtailing ecclesiastical influence in foreign policy, as well as in education and church policy. Humanism, free natural science and the Enlightenment, in their struggle against Roman Scholasticism, against outdated forms and old ties, helped to establish the foundations on which our national intellectual, economic and technical life still rests today: free research, freedom of belief and conscience, an independent education system, an independent state. [...] The Enlightenment progressed from the idea of ​​freedom, which it contrasted with the coercion of dogma, to a doctrine of isolated individuals. When the freedom that the Enlightenment brought was no longer shaped by a strong leader, as happened in Prussia under Frederick the Great, but when it fell into the hands of the weak and racially inferior, as became evident in the French Revolution, the Enlightenment unleashed a corrosive and destructive effect. It denied the natural bonds of blood and community. In doing so, it laid the foundation for the doctrines of democracy and liberalism, paving the way for the movements of the 19th century, especially Marxism, Jewish emancipation, capitalism, and lack of faith.

Source: "FreiesWelterkennen! Humanismus-Naturforschung-Aufklärung" Der Schulungsbrief Jahrgang IV, Folge 4 April. Franz Eher Nachf Verlag Berlin 1937 p.18 𝔊𝔬𝔱𝔱𝔤𝔩ä𝔲𝔟𝔦𝔤𝔨𝔢𝔦𝔱

𝐓𝐡𝐞 𝐒𝐒 𝐨𝐧 𝐀𝐦𝐞𝐫𝐢𝐜𝐚𝐧𝐢𝐬𝐦

The same attitude, focused solely on pensions and evaluating Nature only by its potential for exploitation, led to the immense devastation in the large wheat-growing regions of the USA. Dust storms turned the most fertile land into a desert in an area the size of Germany and France. But we also see here that Americanization has already led to the beginnings of desertification in Germany. The treeless fields of West Prussian manorial estates, the Pomeranian rye steppe, and the Magdeburg Börde, as well as the barren pine forests or pole fields and the mathematically engineered river systems, show that we were close to degrading our homeland into a soulless, machine-dominated landscape. But it was precisely here, as everyone could see, that the purely technical worldview of Americanism was overcome by the biological thinking of National Socialism, which conceives of Nature as a living organism in which every single smallest part is attuned to every other, and every change in one part affects all the others. All life on this earth exists only on the basis of an indestructible harmony of the whole of Nature. From this standpoint, technology found its proper place within a higher context of meaning: it is no longer an unleashed, destructive force, but rather, as part of the whole of Nature, serves the new shaping of the German landscape. Thus, reverence for Nature and love for natural forms replace egoistic arbitrariness.

Source: BArch RS 3-1/97 "Amerikanismus eine Weltgefahr" Herausgabe: Abt. VI / L-SS-AH. Mai 1944 p.22 𝔊𝔬𝔱𝔱𝔤𝔩ä𝔲𝔟𝔦𝔤𝔨𝔢𝔦𝔱

𝐆𝐞𝐫𝐦𝐚𝐧𝐢𝐜 𝐬𝐚𝐜𝐫𝐞𝐝 𝐬𝐢𝐭𝐞𝐬

There is something strange about our past. For centuries, our people lived in darkness about their own traditions, about their own prehistory. For centuries, they were fed fairy tales about the wickedness and barbarity of their ancestors, so that ancient paternal heritage was destroyed, because it was known that the German people could only be ruled by foreign powers if their inner faith in themselves was destroyed. Just as Judaism has been deliberately undermining and eroding our national identity since 1900, so too has the incursion of Christianity from Rome been a deliberate destruction and erosion of our Volkstums. And Just as, centuries later, people came to reflect on themselves under the powerful leadership of German rulers, today new and unexpected sources are emerging. Significant finds are becoming increasingly common; at the Nordic Thing in Bremen, the Berlin architect Pa. Wille spoke about cult sites he had discovered in Oldenburg, which offer entirely new and unprecedented insights into our German prehistory. In this context, we would like to refer once again to the foundational work of the leading scholar of Germanic studies, Wilhelm Teudt, and his publication Germanic Sacred Sites. These unprecedented research findings belong in the scientific knowledge of every National Socialist. The study of German prehistory is the most distinguished science of the Third Reich. It is our duty, especially as young people, to serve it, and we hope that many will follow German research.

Source: "Germanische Helligtümer" Wille und Macht. Heft 15, Jahrgang 1, August. Deutscher Jugendverlag München 1933 p.23 𝔊𝔬𝔱𝔱𝔤𝔩ä𝔲𝔟𝔦𝔤𝔨𝔢𝔦𝔱

𝐆𝐞𝐫𝐦𝐚𝐧-𝐍𝐨𝐫𝐝𝐢𝐜 𝐑𝐞𝐥𝐢𝐠𝐢𝐨𝐬𝐢𝐭𝐲

We live in a time of intense religious ferment in Germany. Old dogmas and organizational structures are threatening to collapse. Religious conflicts are closely connected and often intertwined with political power struggles within the Church. The surface chaos almost completely obscures the underlying, vital currents. Overzealous defenders of ecclesiastical power consider themselves called upon to play the role of a small-scale religious dictator. They wage a bitter battle against every other religious conviction—the more German the conviction, the uglier the behavior, it seems—without considering that they are thereby violating the Party Program of the NSDAP. The National Socialist Youth as such places no value on taking sides in this dispute. But it knows well why it resists any kind of religious tyranny (which is as far removed from Nordic-influenced National Socialism as possible). In this publication, too, we take no sides whatsoever. But we dutifully report on the deeper currents that are emerging in young Germany today. We resolutely reject applying to those who are honestly striving for a German faith the very tactic that seems cheap to the loudmouthed March victims and those brought into line: the tactic of silence. Below, we present an article by the renowned Nordic advocate, Professor Ernst Bergmann of Leipzig, taken from the journal "Nordische Welt," edited by Dr. von Leers. This article appears to us to occupy a special place among the numerous Nordic religious publications, both in terms of clarity of language and clarity of purpose. We therefore believe we should not withhold this article from our readers. We are no longer Christians in the Mediterranean sense. But we venerate in Luther the awakening of the German-Nordic conscience and the will to a homeland religion. We believe that the Reformation is not yet over, and that Luther, if he were alive today, would no longer seek the "Word of God" in the holy scriptures of long-vanished Mediterranean peoples, but in the living German-Nordic heart. That he would no longer dare to present us with the Hebrew Bible, even in a Germanized version, as a holy book in which we must seek evangelical truth. We believe that if he were to go to Wartburg Castle today, he would bring us the German Bible. [...] Roman Christianity was a moral rejection of humanity. For the Roman Church could only use a person who, as a result of their awareness of sin and their sense of misery, needed the Church. A person whose doubt in themselves and their moral strength, and consequently their will to repent, was highly developed. Not, however, a person whose faith in themselves, whose confidence in their own moral power, was highly developed. Not Kant's man of the categorical imperative. Not Fichte's man of free, rational action. Not at all a person who had in any way grown and perfected morally. But rather that type of person who helplessly succumbed to the disastrous and demoralizing suggestion of the Christian dogma of original sin and staggered into the confessional of the Roman priest instead of creating their own moral salvation. And so our entire people today, wishes to follow the siren songs of a false educator of humanity, instead of, in this hour of distress, recalling its German-Nordic faith and recognizing those among its forefathers who were cursed by the Roman Church as its most genuine, most faithful, and holiest leaders. But we, we German-Nordic people, are on the scene. Woe to us if we did not have the strength to manage a great legacy left to us by the true saints of German history. Woe to us if we no longer possessed the strength to feel that we were the leading people of Nordic humanity, and that we have a duty to reflect on the ancient German national religion and to build the German national church on this foundation inherent to our people.

Source: "Deutsch-nordische Religiosität" Wille und Macht. Heft 16, Jahrgang 1, August. Deutscher Jugendverlag Berlin 1933 p.19 𝔊𝔬𝔱𝔱𝔤𝔩ä𝔲𝔟𝔦𝔤𝔨𝔢𝔦𝔱

𝐇𝐞𝐲𝐝𝐫𝐢𝐜𝐡 𝐨𝐧 𝐬𝐞𝐭𝐭𝐥𝐞𝐦𝐞𝐧𝐭 𝐩𝐥𝐚𝐧𝐬 𝐟𝐨𝐫 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐒𝐨𝐯𝐢𝐞𝐭 𝐔𝐧𝐢𝐨𝐧

It is psychologically wrong to simply negate all possessions. It must not be said that Socialism in the Soviet Union must be destroyed, but rather: true Socialism, that is, state-guaranteed social justice for all workers, will be created. The national question must be treated with extreme restraint (in view of the later overall settlement). For the time being, dismantling the collectives is out of the question for economic reasons. Therefore, since the peasant's expectations of being allocated their own property cannot be met initially, they must be treated with particular skill in terms of propaganda.

Source: Abschrift. Chef der Sicherheitspolizei und des SD, Berlin, 2.7.1941, B.Nr. IV-1180/41 gRs. [Irving File 3H] 𝔊𝔬𝔱𝔱𝔤𝔩ä𝔲𝔟𝔦𝔤𝔨𝔢𝔦𝔱

𝐓𝐡𝐞 𝐒𝐨𝐜𝐢𝐚𝐥𝐢𝐬𝐭 𝐄𝐭𝐡𝐢𝐜 𝐢𝐧 𝐍𝐚𝐭𝐢𝐨𝐧𝐚𝐥 𝐒𝐨𝐜𝐢𝐚𝐥𝐢𝐬𝐦 Ｐａｒｔ （２／２） Continuing from the same document, it discusses that National Socialism rejects the Marxist doctrine of class-struggle due to the goal of National Socialism to eliminate class completely and only see the fellow German as one in the same.

This was the annihilation of class struggle through a new ideal of life: National Socialism opted neither for the bourgeoisie nor for the proletariat – it opted for the classless national community. From this arose the obligation to industrial peace and the lofty ideal of the factory community, in which, as the Führer declared, there were no longer employers and employees, but only representatives of the entire nation. National Socialism increasingly transformed the bourgeois entrepreneur into the German factory leader, and the class-struggle-minded proletarian into the German worker. And both are united by loyalty stemming from their shared blood and political destiny. These fundamental principles of the Law for the Organization of National Labor apply – by analogy, beyond the scope of this law – to every area of ​​political life. Every German stands under this manifesto of German socialism: the officer, soldier, farmer, and civil servant, as well as the entrepreneur and worker – all stand under the exclusive mandate of the people, all are subject to the laws of the community.

The Work of the German Labor Front as a Work of Socialism. The German Labor Front has proven itself as the creative community of the entire German people and has radically broken with all class prejudices and divisions. The factory manager belongs to it just as much as the workforce, and through corresponding agreements, a unity of work with the peasantry, cultural workers, tradespeople, etc., has been established. Anyone who would now attempt to break away from this cohesive German creative community would thereby be breaking with a fundamental order of the German people. To properly understand the work of the German Labor Front in the realization of German socialism, one must keep three things in mind: 1. The cooperation of the German Labor Front and legislation in promoting social progress, 2. The importance of the concept of social self-responsibility and social competition, 3. The meritocratic principle. The realization of social progress is not to be imposed on the German people through laws, but rather the National Socialist leadership intends to convince entrepreneurs and workers, through its organs, and in the social sphere especially through the German Labor Front (DAF), that they will act in a socialist manner of their own accord. The DAF is the engine that drives social development forward on behalf of the Party. The intellectual attitude of factory managers, shop stewards, and their followers, who, driven by their own initiative and under the guidance of the DAF, constantly strive for social and economic improvements and increased productivity, is what we call "social self-responsibility."

The Reich carries the banner of Socialism against an unsocialist environment. From the impetus of Adolf Hitler's National Socialist idea and policies arose a new world of the inner Reich against a world of external enemies. We are living in the test of strength of the socialist Reich. And there is no doubt that we will pass it; for, as Adolf Hitler taught us on January 30, 1939: no nation can, in the long run, exert more strength externally than it possesses politically within. From the inner strength of the Reich, that is, from the strength of German socialism, the external world struggle will be won with the same certainty as the military power of the enemies will collapse under their internal political supremacy when the hour of decision arrives.

From National Socialist thought, the German Socialism emphasized was the the socialism of duty, of the Volk, against the social bonds which divide one another. Source: BArch RS 3-1/97 "Das Reich als sozialistische Lebensordnung" Herausgabe: Abt. VI / L-SS-AH Juni 1944 p.30, p.34 𝔊𝔬𝔱𝔱𝔤𝔩ä𝔲𝔟𝔦𝔤𝔨𝔢𝔦𝔱

𝐓𝐡𝐞 𝐒𝐨𝐜𝐢𝐚𝐥𝐢𝐬𝐭 𝐄𝐭𝐡𝐢𝐜 𝐢𝐧 𝐍𝐚𝐭𝐢𝐨𝐧𝐚𝐥 𝐒𝐨𝐜𝐢𝐚𝐥𝐢𝐬𝐦 Ｐａｒｔ （１／２） The Leibstandarte SS Adolf Hitler compiled a great deal of ideological training documents regarding the Socialist Character of the Third Reich and its functions. This was most emphasized as "German Socialism" of the blood community towards the service of the entire nation.

Socialism is not a matter for a single political sector, but for the entire political order. This realization is crucial: socialist principles should prevail not just in one area of ​​life, but throughout the entire political order. Socialism is not merely a task for the labor constitution, which is governed by the Law for the Organization of National Labor, the great socialist fundamental law. The peasant system, determined by the Reich Hereditary Farm Law, must also adhere to socialist principles. The agricultural labor system must be just as socialist as the industrial labor system. The civil service must be aligned with socialist performance principles, just as political service and military service are. Social justice and the merit principle make a total claim for all forms of work and service. Just as they obligate not only the worker but also the employer, who must see himself as a manager, so too do they obligate the farmer to his farmhands and the officer to his troops. The National Socialist Reich as a whole is a socialist Reich, not just in one of its parts.

What is "Socialism"? In his closing speech at the 1933 Party Congress, the Führer gave the only binding and convincing explanation of the concept of "socialism" for us. He said the following: "By striving to find among my people the person born for every function of life, in order to entrust them with responsibility in this area regardless of their previous economic or social background, I am acting in the interest of all. But if the word socialism is to have any meaning at all, then it can only mean, in unwavering justice—that is, with the deepest insight—burdening each individual on the preservation of the whole with what corresponds to their innate disposition and thus their worth." Socialism means justice, specifically justice in the sense that only innate disposition and the performance based upon it may be the standards for professional effort and advancement. This method alone serves the whole and not just the individual. The contrast to this socialism is the selection process of the past. It was based on economic and social standing, money, possessions, and origin.

The Fundamental Principles of the Law for the Organization of National Labor as a Socialist Model Sections 1 and 2 of the Law for the Organization of National Labor of January 20, 1934, constitute the manifesto of German socialism. They read: § 1: "In the enterprise, the employer as the leader of the enterprise, the salaried employees and workers as the workforce, work together to promote the enterprise's objectives and for the common benefit of the people and the state." § 2: "The leader of the enterprise makes decisions vis-à-vis the workforce in all enterprise matters, insofar as they are regulated by this law. He is responsible for the welfare of the workforce. The workforce owes him the loyalty established within the enterprise community."

Source: BArch RS 3-1/97 "Das Reich als sozialistische Lebensordnung" Herausgabe: Abt. VI / L-SS-AH Juni 1944 p.26-30 𝔊𝔬𝔱𝔱𝔤𝔩ä𝔲𝔟𝔦𝔤𝔨𝔢𝔦𝔱

𝐏𝐨𝐥𝐢𝐭𝐢𝐜𝐚𝐥 𝐒𝐭𝐫𝐮𝐠𝐠𝐥𝐞 𝐨𝐧 𝐑𝐞𝐥𝐢𝐠𝐢𝐨𝐮𝐬 𝐆𝐫𝐨𝐮𝐧𝐝

The National Socialist idea is a worldview that aims to win over all German people. It has nothing to do with any religion and will therefore never take a decisive stance for or against any religion, unless that religion is capable of undermining its existence or its goals. The Reich Youth Leader, however, emphasized that any endeavor aimed at deepening and internalizing religious life is not only welcomed but also promoted by a responsible youth leadership. And it is in this sense that the National Socialist commitment to positive Christianity, which we clearly outlined in the last issue of our magazine, must be understood. The question of religion is left to each individual in our community to decide for themselves. We consciously refrain from taking a position for or against any religion. It is a different matter when the institutions of this religion, such as the churches, interpret the reticence of National Socialism and its youth as weakness and occasionally adopt a stance that has nothing to do with their religious service and disrupts the realms of National Socialist ideology, political life, and so on. Our position on the question of religion also allows us to remain uninvolved in church-political disputes. However, such an attitude does not prevent us from occasionally outlining the state of the discussion surrounding churches and religious questions in order to be able to assess the opposing sides, which tend to spill over into political life. [...] For us Germans, there are currently more essential tasks to which we should devote our energies, our commitment, and our fighting spirit. The political National Socialist youth today recognizes no greater law than the struggle for the freedom of the people.

Source: "Politischer Kampf auf religiösem Boden" Wille und Macht. Jahrgang 3, Heft 9, May. Deutscher Jugendverlag 1935 p.20 𝔊𝔬𝔱𝔱𝔤𝔩ä𝔲𝔟𝔦𝔤𝔨𝔢𝔦𝔱

𝐖𝐡𝐚𝐭 𝐢𝐬 𝐏𝐨𝐬𝐢𝐭𝐢𝐯𝐢𝐞 𝐂𝐡𝐫𝐢𝐬𝐭𝐢𝐚𝐧𝐢𝐭𝐲?

All times of true revolution touch upon the foundations, they delve into the depths in order to affirm with even greater faith and reject with even greater fanaticism. The question of religion, too, resurfaces again and again, demanding an answer—and however much we must guard against being drawn into denominational disputes, we must be prepared to bear witness before the community to which we belong and before our own conscience. Perhaps it is currently impossible to say more about this vast complex of questions surrounding National Socialism and Christianity than to offer a personal opinion. But shouldn't such a view also be of importance and value, provided it is honest and clear? We have recently experienced so much error and confusion, so much strife and conflict, so much misunderstanding and fear of knowledge, that we have seen how desperately necessary it is to establish clear lines. Certainly, all questions of religion are a delicate matter for political actors. But we would be in a sorry state if we were afraid of difficult questions. Even in its early days, National Socialism displayed the courage to take a stand: "The party as such advocates the standpoint of positive Christianity, without being confessionally bound to any particular denomination." This statement clearly rejects any denominational affiliation from the outset. Methodological disputes are more irrelevant to us National Socialists than anything else in the world, and we avoid all dogmatic debates, precisely because we understand nothing about them and want to understand nothing about them. Hidden within the concept of "positive Christianity," far removed from dogmas and methods, lies a dividing line that must be revealed: it is the one that separates the political from the religious sphere. What is political? Everything that manifests itself in earthly forms of organization, word and image, writing and gesture, and has even the slightest significance for the community of the people, is political. And what is religious? Everything that becomes perceptible in earthly forms as belief in the transcendent, as a feeling of infinity, as a longing for things beyond the world visible to humankind, is religious. [...] National Socialism is a worldview, the National Socialist view of the world. There are things that are not of this world. Therefore, religion is excluded from politics, but truly only religion, only that transcendent greatness that moves the world and one day confronts every fighter with a decision, only true religion and nothing else that disguises itself with this name. National Socialism affirms Christianity, and only the National Socialist will truly understand the Christian spirit again as a spirit of struggle and commitment, capable of generating vibrant forces and proud events, great men and historical deeds, and thus being anything but a feeble degeneration of humankind. Let us not forget how one of the mightiest and profoundest men on earth, Friedrich Nietzsche, wrestled with this! Let us not make things too easy for ourselves in our rejection, nor become too comfortable in our affirmation! Let us, especially as National Socialists, bear in mind that a doctrine would not have shaped two millennia if, at its beginning, there had not been a magnificent, combative, heroic personality, ready for the ultimate sacrifice! National Socialism does not affirm Christianity – whether it appears as a church or as a faith, in the political or religious sphere – in general; it only affirms it if it is positive, if it maintains its own boundaries and those in relation to political power, as has been shown. For us, positive Christianity is in the church that gives support to the people – positive Christianity is in the faith that creates values ​​for the people, that leads them to the highest heights of their being and helps them to fulfill their mission in this world and beyond.

Source: "Positives Christentum" Wille und Macht Jahrgang 3, Heft 8, April. Deutscher Jugendverlag Berlin 1935 p.1 𝔊𝔬𝔱𝔱𝔤𝔩ä𝔲𝔟𝔦𝔤𝔨𝔢𝔦𝔱

𝐀𝐛𝐨𝐮𝐭 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐢𝐝𝐞𝐚 𝐨𝐟 ​​𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐑𝐞𝐢𝐜𝐡

Every major confrontation raises the question of the meaning of the struggle. Hardly anyone can presume to be able to give the final answer to final questions in the midst of such a great struggle, and yet it seems to be a law of life that once one has faced a fate, the meaning of a struggle progressively reveals itself, especially in the combative life. When the National Socialist German Workers' Party was formed in protest against the disgrace of November 1918, people from all walks of life joined the young movement - for very different reasons. Some wanted to erase the shame of the apparent military collapse, others came to fight against economic corruption, others did not want to tolerate centrist rule in Germany... All of them could not imagine all the consequences that would come with a fundamental denial of all the phenomena that led to November 9, 1918. From these thousands who fought willingly and courageously for the new idea, a great revolution then became, and in the end this struggle finally gave rise to a new imperial idea, an imperial idea that was born directly from the demands of the time and yet at the moment of its militant implementation found connection with the great traditions of German history. In every era of German greatness, a specific carrier of the imperial idea became decisive: in the Middle Ages, knighthood, in cooperation, but often also in the hardest struggle, with the church. Over a long period of time, the state that was supposed to overcome the Middle Ages grew out of the Prussian officers and civil servants, and today the problem of social justice is at the center of the German imperial idea, an idea that has been fought over by ancient peoples for over 100 years and which is currently being defended by the German Reich against the onslaught of all its enemies. Social justice as a core idea of ​​the new Reich and the German nation as a substance in general, the bearer of this idea, is something that brings together the powers of world exploitation and the powers of world destruction against this German imperial power into a will to destroy. But in this struggle we become all the more aware that we are in the service of a fateful task, of fighting for an idea of ​​empire that is no longer oriented towards denominations and classes, but rather towards the national substance in general. Whether fully conscious or less conscious, every soldier today faces hostility as the bearer of this new flag. This will to new life was probably part of the secret of the tremendous resistance at the front and at home. Therefore, when we commemorate January 30, 1933, we do so with the full awareness of a major historical turning point, with the awareness that we have honestly fought for an ancient heritage, but also with the full awareness of having to defend this new German idea of ​​empire in order to prove its resilience and thus be able to hand it over, clarified and tested, into the hands of the young team that is already fighting today. What was fought for and sacrificed in these years is not and will not have been in vain. We entered this new year firmly convinced that from the rubble and rubble and from the blood of the fallen, this new German Reich idea will victoriously shape the coming times of the German people and ultimately give the entire European continent a tangible form, the consciousness of a culture to be defended together and a future to be defended masterfully.

Source: NARA, RG 242, T77, Roll 852 "Um den Reichsgedanken" Der Politische Soldat: Politischer und kultureller Informationsdienst für den Einheitsführer, Folge 1, Januar 1945 p.1088 𝔊𝔬𝔱𝔱𝔤𝔩ä𝔲𝔟𝔦𝔤𝔨𝔢𝔦𝔱

𝐍𝐢𝐞𝐭𝐳𝐬𝐜𝐡𝐞 𝐨𝐧 𝐁𝐫𝐞𝐞𝐝𝐢𝐧𝐠 𝐚𝐧𝐝 𝐂𝐮𝐥𝐭𝐢𝐯𝐚𝐭𝐢𝐨𝐧

The Enlightenment brought a progress ideology, according to which humanity, interrupted by phases of regression, is in progress through world history, towards a moralistic-civilizational ideal state, towards a world citizenship in peace and equality. Nietzsche, on the other hand, coined the concepts of decadence and "ascending life". He recognizes the natural development of degeneration and deterioration and thereby refutes the humanistic progress utopia. The decadence is caused by counter-selection, by contra-selection, the "ascending life" through selection, through cultivation and breeding. Like no philosopher before him, he recognizes in world events the titanic effect of selection and counter-selection. "The nihilistic movement is the expression of a physiological decadence." (Nachlass, May–June 1888, KSA 13, 17[8]) "I see all philosophers, I see science on its knees before the reality of the reverse struggle for existence, as the school of Darwin teaches it, namely, I see everywhere those on top, those remaining, those who compromise life, the value of life." (Nachlass, Spring 1888, KSA 13, 14[123]) "Assuming that one does not show us the reason why man is the exception among creatures, I incline to the prejudice that Darwin was mistaken everywhere." (Nachlass, Spring 1888, KSA 13, 14[123]) How much man is an "exception among creatures", I tried to show at the beginning of this discussion. The greater modification-breadth and -duration, the modifiability of humans, can be as favorable as it is dangerous; humans are thereby more easily enhanced through cultivation, as well as led to degeneration through foreign influences. The world-historical example of this is the Christian infection of Germanism. This can only be pointed out here. Nietzsche's objection to Darwin therefore has deep justification. "My overall view of the world of values shows that in the highest values that are hung over humanity today, it is not the strokes of luck, not the selection types that have the upper hand: rather the types of decadence, perhaps there is nothing more interesting in the world than this unwanted spectacle..." (Nachlass, Spring 1888, KSA 13, 14[123]) "Precisely the opposite is palpable: The striking out of strokes of luck, the impossibility of higher-turned-out types, the inevitable mastery of the average, even the below-average types." (Nachlass, Spring 1888, KSA 13, 14[123]) As with democracy and Marxism, Nietzsche also seeks the ultimate root and cause for contra-selection in Christianity, i.e., for Nietzsche always: in the Judaization of values. Nietzsche claims that Christianity bears the main guilt for the decadence of the present for three reasons: 1. "Eternal bliss" as the life goal of the individual is the extreme enhancement of private egoism. There, the welfare of the community is too little esteemed and therefore endangered. 2. Through the doctrine of the equality of humans before God, the delusion of equality arose and with it the "equivalence" of humans. Everyone is a "redeemer in Christ", every life, even the inferior, would thus be preserved and propagated. 3. Christian asceticism is hostile to life; sacrifices not for life but for a "beyond". When Christianity brought the doctrine of selflessness and love to the forefront, it still did not set the species interest as higher than the individual interest.

Source: Nietzsche und der Nationalsozialismus 2. Auflage, Kapitel 8. Franz Eher Nachf Verlag Munchen 1939 p.76 𝔊𝔬𝔱𝔱𝔤𝔩ä𝔲𝔟𝔦𝔤𝔨𝔢𝔦𝔱

𝐓𝐡𝐞 𝐅ü𝐡𝐫𝐞𝐫'𝐬 𝐂𝐚𝐫𝐞𝐞𝐫

When the NSDAP lost so many seats in the Reichstag election of November 6, 1932, and when Gregor Strasser defected a few weeks later, the Führer faced one of the toughest tests of strength of the entire struggle. For the last time, the enemies of our people attempted to prevent the victory of the National Socialist movement. It is certainly no mere coincidence that the Führer made two pronouncements during this most difficult period of the final battle for power, pronouncements he never again used in this form: "I believe I would not be the leader of the party if my grandfathers had not been peasants. I inherited my thick skull from them." (Speech on January 3, 1933, in Munich.) And: "I inherited a thick peasant skull from my ancestors, and it will remain stubbornly so." (Speech on January 9, 1933, in Lemgo.) In these words, the Führer expressed the deepest core of his being: a peasant man, that is, to be rooted in the land and connected to nature, above all to pursue a goal once set with unwavering perseverance, with tenacious diligence and never-failing energy, never wavering or even capitulating. Only the scion of a peasant family rooted in the land for centuries possessed the innate qualities to one day lead Germany, from its deepest humiliation, back to a dominant world power, the courage and perseverance, the profound insight into the nature of things, and above all, that self-assured instinct, unique to the lower, healthy strata of our people, which guides genius with sleepwalker-like certainty to follow his path. It is interesting that Benito Mussolini once said something similar about his lineage: he compared his ancestors, who were also peasants, to a plant that had nourished itself for centuries on the best juices of the soil, only to one day appear before the world in a unique form. The Führer's peasant origins are thus the first prerequisite for the creator of Greater Germany. The second is the fact that Adolf Hitler came from the border region. More than 1000 years have passed since the Austria assumed its historical role as the bulwark of all Germans in the east. For over 1000 years, the Germans of the Ostmark have stood on the front lines; this guarding of the Reich's security has sharpened their instincts and made them particularly capable of quickly and unerringly recognizing everything hostile and alien, passionately repelling it, and clinging to their own people with boundless love. This borderland destiny preserved the German-Austrian from any laxity or indifference on ethnic issues. The nationalism of the Germans living in the border region and abroad is put to the test daily. Germans living beyond the border must constantly fight for all the sacred goods, national identity, language, culture and history, which are "self-evident" and therefore often overlooked possessions for Germans living in the secure center of the Reich.

Source: "Der Werdegang des Führers" Nationalsozialistische Monatshefte Heft 133, Jahrgang 12, April. Franz Eher Nachf Verlag München 1941 p.3 𝔊𝔬𝔱𝔱𝔤𝔩ä𝔲𝔟𝔦𝔤𝔨𝔢𝔦𝔱

𝐖𝐞 𝐡𝐚𝐯𝐞 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐍𝐞𝐰 𝐢𝐝𝐞𝐚

Only great idealists, decent fighters, and political figures of true conviction can lay the foundations of human order and create lasting groundwork for the coexistence of nations. Our adversaries have developed neither constructive ideas nor creative forces, but only selfish interests and destructive instincts. Germany, however, has brought forth the new and fruitful political ideas of this century, implemented them among its own people, and thus provided practical proof that they are capable of bringing about the happiness of humanity and the harmony of its interests. Germany has therefore also shown the way to the reorganization of Europe and a happy future for all European peoples. No Eastern European sphere of influence, nor a Western European pact that would perpetuate the state of incessant wars and trample the peoples of Europe; no division into Bolshevik and plutocratic spheres of influence that would subject European nations to deadly exploitation and irretrievably destroy them—only the central solution, centered around the Reich as the European core and therefore as the continental power of order, is the only possible one for Europe. Europe without Germany is impossible. But Europe is also no longer possible without a National Socialist Germany. For a new Europe can only be born from a new idea. Our adversaries have not produced a future-shaping idea. Germany's European program, however, illuminates the dark aspirations of the European people in the bright light of a historical vision. Our program, in the reality and attainability of its goals, is greater and more powerful than our adversaries, even in all their lofty phases of world-improvement, could ever conceive. Our program is the salvation of Europe from the united barbarians of East and West, who are about to destroy the creations of European culture, to brutally destroy the most sublime works of a spirit that has illuminated the world for millennia and bestowed upon it the full richness of human progress. In a saved Europe, freed from its corruption—and this is the second great goal of our program—we will then fight for the socialist liberation of its creative people and thus open the way for the nations to a truly social progress that leads to a new, great, and happy future. This true socialism will not be born of strikes, destruction, civil war and rebellion, arson and annihilation, but of a new, great, and truly progressive idea, of the victory of human reason over the spirit of hatred and destruction. This socialism of ours is founded on the law of the community, whose interests take precedence over all individual interests. Only the realization of our socialist order will fulfill the centuries-old yearning of working humanity, will free it from the chains of capitalism, eliminate the privileges of favored classes, and liberate working people from their contempt as proletarians. Only our socialist order will restore dignity to working people and enable them to achieve their highest potential. Only it will bring work and sustenance, justice and prosperity, security and peace to all people. These are lofty goals and high ideals worth fighting for, risking one's life, and shedding one's blood for.

Source: NARA, RG 242, T77, Roll 852 "Wir haben die neuen Ideen" Der Politische Soldat: Politischer und kultureller Informationsdienst für den Einheitsführer, Folge 20, Dezembver 1944 p.1102 𝔊𝔬𝔱𝔱𝔤𝔩ä𝔲𝔟𝔦𝔤𝔨𝔢𝔦𝔱

𝐓𝐡𝐞 𝐖𝐨𝐫𝐥𝐝-𝐇𝐢𝐬𝐭𝐨𝐫𝐢𝐜𝐚𝐥 𝐓𝐮𝐫𝐧𝐢𝐧𝐠 𝐏𝐨𝐢𝐧𝐭 𝐨𝐟 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐌𝐢𝐝𝐝𝐥𝐞 𝐀𝐠𝐞𝐬

German history, in its interconnectedness and unity, can only be truly understood by those who have a correct understanding of Luther and the German Reformation. The conception of the Reformation as a purely theological and ecclesiastical event fails to capture its historical reality. Only from a perspective that transcends the level of confessional conflicts, commonly considered the essence of the Reformation era, can a true understanding of the German reformer and his actions be gained. To see Luther merely as the founder of a non-Roman Christian denomination, a new church, is to view him too narrowly from a historical standpoint. Those whose perspective does not extend beyond the bourgeois 16th and the similarly shaped 19th centuries will always perceive Luther only as a man of the church, a theologian, and a town preacher. But we recognize in him not only the founder of Protestantism, but one of the great "Protestants" of German history as a whole, indeed the most important proponent of that Ghibelline protest against sorcery and priestly rule, which has repeatedly and with unstoppable force erupted from the depths of the Germanic essence of our people. Lutheran Protestantism is a link in the chain of those protestations that constitute the hidden, true history of our people. Only today do we understand the necessity and the intrinsic connection in the appearances of the great Ghibelline revolutionaries of our history: Widukind, the leading emperors of the Papal Wars, Meister Eckhart, Luther, Frederick the Great, Nietzsche. Only today do we become aware that these men were always concerned with one thing: the self-assertion of German substance and thus with the liberation of the German soul from that power which, once reaching northward from the Mediterranean, accomplished the first revolution in our history, that revolution which is only very imperfectly described by the expression "Christianization of the Germanic peoples." “Conversion” is not a “transition” from a state of lower civilization to a state of higher culture, but a life-threatening intervention in the fabric of a tradition and in the rhythm of a great life. The missionaries were agitators under the protection of the authorities. [...] All of Luther's anger was directed against the destruction of the immediate relationship with God by the priest. His Germanic sense of freedom passionately rejected any bond that extended to the innermost depths of the soul and was not an immediate bond with God. Human beings were justified by faith alone, not by sacraments administered by a priest, not by absolutions granted by an earthly authority. And since the highest priest, the representative of Christ on earth, with his entire following, separates the soul from its God, he and no other is the Antichrist. From his theses against Scholasticism and indulgences, through his major Reformation writings "On the Babylonian Captivity of the Church," "On the Freedom of a Christian," and "To the Christian Nobility of the German Nation," to his powerful late work, "Against the Papacy of Rome, Established by the Devil" (1545), Luther tirelessly fought against priestly power. He saw through it to its very core and recognized it as a spiritual and political alien element within the German nation. With this realization, he became, without knowing it or intending it, a champion of the German people's racial self-reflection. His treatise "On the Jews and Their Lies" (1543) also belongs here. How could he have known that priesthood and priestly rule were originally alien to Nordic peoples, that hierarchy was the characteristic creation of the Mediterranean spirit? Without thinking in racial and historical terms, he unconsciously acted as if he had gained the deepest insight into historical contexts.

Source: "Der weltgeschichtliche Wendepunkt des Mittelalters" Der Schulungsbrief. Jahrgang III, Folge 10, October. Franz Eher Nachf Verlag Berlin 1936 p.20 𝔊𝔬𝔱𝔱𝔤𝔩ä𝔲𝔟𝔦𝔤𝔨𝔢𝔦𝔱