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ensure factual precision,” he stated, seeking “15-20 days to gather and verify this information comprehensively”. A full response to those queries had not been received at the time of publishing this report. It will be incorporated in this report once received.Many mega MoUs had featured in media reports, but could not make it to the grounding list. Watch the video for all the details. This report is part of an investigative series. Its previous installment (https://www.newslaundry.com/2026/06/30/dubious-mous-paper-investors-the-art-of-adding-zeroes-to-ups-investment-story) from Uttar Pradesh found MoUs worth Rs 1.65 lakh crore signed with a group that has no traceable corporate record. (https://www.newslaundry.com/subscription?ref=header)Subscribe (https://www.newslaundry.com/subscription?ref=header) to help us track similar investment claims in other states. Complaining about the media is easy. Why not do something to make it better? Support independent media and subscribe (http://newslaundry.com/subscription) to Newslaundry today.Rs 3,350-cr MoU, 70,000 jobs: A Yogi govt AI investment deal is now under fraud cloud (https://www.newslaundry.com/2026/06/11/rs-3350-cr-mou-70000-jobs-a-yogi-govt-ai-investment-deal-is-now-under-fraud-cloud)

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investments by value, eight are tied to PSUs. These include three linked to UJVNL (wholly state-owned) and four to a UJVNL-THDCIL joint venture (THDCIL is centrally owned). Both UJVNL and THDCIL are hydroelectric power-generation companies.  A UJVNL official told Newslaundry that the government itself assigns work to these PSUs, funds up to 30 percent of project costs, and then buys their output. Of the Rs 1 lakh crore in grounded investments, Rs 35,279 crore – 35 percent – is linked to UJVNL and THDCIL alone.The eighth included a Rs 2,000 crore ‘Golf City’ in Haridwar being developed by SIIDCUL – the Uttarakhand government enterprise developing industry and infrastructure in the state.Subhash Chandra Garg, former Union finance secretary, told Newslaundry that the purpose of an investor summit is to attract private capital – the government doesn’t need one to assign work to its own PSUs. Regarding the inclusion of government PSUs in the grounding list, Saxena remarked, “We also factor in the projects undertaken by government institutions under ‘grounding’ because they generate employment and bring capital into the state.”Importantly, a notification passed days before the summit, on December 1, 2023, had changed the parameters that define the term “grounded investment”. In a notification that relaxed the criteria for a project to be counted as grounded, the government said a “project which has to be allotted by the government shall be considered grounded upon issuance of letter of allotment from the competent authority”.If not this, the notification asked any two of four other criteria to be met. These were land purchased, allotted or leased; all necessary licences granted; construction work started; or orders for plant and machinery placed.Other curious investmentsA Dehradun special-needs school run by the Latika Roy Foundation was shown as a Rs 24.49 crore “investor”. Saxena said the figure possibly came from a building permit filing; the school has run solely on CSR funds and donations for 30 years. When asked why an NGO constructing its building using CSR funds was included in the grounding list, Saxena said, “Uttarakhand has a robust law and order situation and offers excellent facilities. Companies invest their CSR funds here precisely because of these factors; therefore, this should be considered an achievement for the state.”Sood Agro Limited was recorded as investing Rs 562 crore in a seed production project in Udham Singh Nagar. Owner Sanjay Sood said only around Rs 4 crore was actually spent, and he had no idea where the larger figure came from.Some projects listed as grounded never took off at all. For example, DSK Foods was shown to have invested Rs 233 crore in a facility in Kashipur, but the company never began operations, and SIIDCUL has recommended cancelling its land allotment due to unpaid dues. ACME Cleantech Solutions, among the top 10 investors with a claimed Rs 2,452 crore, has a site in Rudrapur. But when Newslaundry visited, the site was found shut, with only a couple of guards present. Government officials cited an unresolved electricity connection for the stalled project.Malik Timber’s listed investment of Rs 11 lakh in Haridwar never materialised due to a lack of environmental clearance.Most strikingly, Buldenz Industries Private Limited was shown to have invested Rs 1,200 crore in Haridwar. Yet, its revenue from operations was zero from 2021-22 to 2024-25, and Ministry of Corporate Affairs records show it had no employees. In an email dated May 14, 2026, Saxena acknowledged his in-person meeting with this reporter, where some queries were addressed. He added that the remaining points involved sourcing data from multiple third-party sources, including MoUs, company filings, project verifications, and inputs from other government departments and PSUs.  “Compiling accurate, verified responses requires coordination with the Directorate of Industries, SIIDCUL records, and external stakeholders to
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When PSUs, fertiliser shops, and flour mills became Uttarakhand’s ‘investors’ after global summit https://www.newslaundry.com/2026/07/08/when-psus-fertiliser-shops-and-flour-mills-became-uttarakhands-investors-after-global-summit Inaugurating the Uttarakhand Global Investors Summit on December 8, 2023, Prime Minister Narendra Modi declared the state a “new hub for investment”, crediting the “double engine” government’s push on tourism, connectivity and investment.There were grand numbers that followed: 1,779 MoUs worth Rs 3.56 lakh crore. Chief Minister Pushkar Singh Dhami had chased them with roadshows in London and Dubai, and in Bengaluru, Delhi, Ahmedabad, Chennai and Mumbai – a courtship that cost taxpayers roughly Rs 100 crore, according to an RTI response seen by Newslaundry.But MoUs are only promises, so Newslaundry asked what had actually materialised. The Directorate of Industries initially declined to share the full list of MoU signatories, arguing that other states might poach them. It did, however, share a list of “grounded” projects: around 3,300 entities accounting for Rs 1 lakh crore. “Grounding,” in the government’s telling, means the money has begun to flow – and it is the same Rs 1 lakh crore (https://uttarainformation.gov.in/development-and-heritage-together-uttarakhand-creates-a-new-history-through-investment-infrastructure-and-achievements/) the Dhami government held up in 2025 as proof the summit was delivering.Though here is a catch. A global investors’ summit conjures images of multinationals and marquee conglomerates queuing up to write cheques. When we set out to trace who Uttarakhand’s “investors” actually were, we found state-owned power companies that account for more than a third of the headline figure. There were flour mills, fertiliser shops and small clinics; some of them had no idea they had been counted.This Newslaundry report is not an audit of all 3,300-odd entries on the grounding list or the full Rs 1 lakh crore figure. What it does show is that in some instances, the label “grounded investment” had been stretched to cover businesses that never knew they were listed, projects that never broke ground, and government spending recast as private capital.Inclusion on the list does not mean no actual spending took place – PSU-linked projects, for instance, do represent real government expenditure, even if not the kind a government would usually count as investment.A notification that changed the definitionNaveen Kumar, a resident of Dhadheki Dhana village in Haridwar district, is a farmer. He also runs a small flour mill to supplement his income. Neeraj Kumar, from the nearby village of Mathana (about three kilometres away), also owns a flour mill.Both were astonished when Newslaundry showed them an official document from the Uttarakhand Department of Industries. The document was the ‘grounding list’ for the 2023 Global Investors Summit, which listed both Naveen and Neeraj as investors. According to the list, each had invested Rs 2 lakh. Naveen states he has no knowledge of the summit whatsoever. Neeraj had seen reports about the summit in newspapers.It is not just Naveen and Neeraj’s flour mills that appear on this list; the names of over three dozen flour mills from various districts of Uttarakhand are included. The list also records hundreds of fertiliser and seed outlets, as well as small clinics.When asked about listing flour mills, fertiliser and seed shops, and small clinics as investors in the grounded list, Shikhar Saxena, Additional Director of the Department of Industries, told this reporter, during an in-person meeting at the SIIDCUL building in Dehradun’s IT Park in May, that their share in the Rs 1 lakh crore worth of grounded investments was quite small. “However, we have included these small investors in our list of grounded projects to acknowledge their contribution,” he added.But there are several other cases that raise significant questions.Of the top 10 grounded
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4 years on, MSP committee has no report to show, but Rs 53 lakh spent https://www.newslaundry.com/2026/07/08/4-years-on-msp-committee-has-no-report-to-show-but-rs-53-lakh-spent Nearly four years after Prime Minister Narendra Modi promised a committee to make the Minimum Support Price (MSP) more effective and transparent, the panel has not submitted a single report — even as it has spent almost Rs 54 lakh and held dozens of meetings whose proceedings have not been disclosed in RTI replies.The committee has held 6 meetings and 42 meetings via sub-committees since its formation on July 18, 2022. The most recent meeting was held on May 14 this year. The CPIO declined to share the minutes of any meeting, saying the proceedings were confidential and attended only by the chairman and members, according to a reply received from the Ministry of Agriculture and Farmers’ Welfare in May.The CPIO put total spending at Rs 53,97,280 up to May 17, with a single meeting on April 2 costing Rs 62,380.Three farm bills, introduced in the Lok Sabha in June 2020 and pitched as a means to raise farmers’ incomes, triggered widespread agitation, with protesters demanding a legal guarantee for MSP. As the protests escalated, PM Modi announced in November 2021 that the three laws would be repealed. The committee followed (https://sansad.in/getFile/annex/267/AU506_nxT4QY.pdf?source=pqars) the next year. It was meant to promote natural farming, change cropping patterns, and make MSP more effective and transparent. It has 27 members apart from chairperson Sanjay Agarwal, who did not respond to a questionnaire.Newslaundry has earlier reported on the panel and previous RTI replies here (https://www.newslaundry.com/2025/09/12/msp-panel-has-spent-over-rs-38-lakh-over-3-years-on-meetings-but-the-report-is-pending). Complaining about the media is easy. Why not do something to make it better? Support independent media and subscribe (http://newslaundry.com/subscription) to Newslaundry today. 
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shifts to video editing and graphics but the risks look identical. At Hexacode, 60 students split into batches of eight study in a building on a narrow, congested road hemmed in by an auto-repair shop and parked bikes; there is one staircase and no extinguisher. At Alfa Computer Centre, eight batches of about 20 students each face the same trap, with one staircase and no exit sign. Neither responded to our emails.Delhi has around 1,000 coaching centres.Last month, CM Rekha Gupta (https://www.thehindu.com/news/cities/Delhi/delhi-cm-sets-one-month-deadline-for-coaching-centre-fire-audits/article71154768.ece) had said, “One month. That is the deadline. The number of coaching institutes in Delhi is not the issue; the safety and security of our children is. Any institute without a fire audit, mandatory safety equipment or prescribed safety measures will face strict action, including sealing, if it fails to comply within a month.”The CM urged students to report unsafe coaching centres through messages, e-mail or phone. “Every complaint will be acted upon. There will be no compromise on the safety of our children,” she said. Education Minister Ashish Sood had announced (https://www.hindustantimes.com/cities/delhi-news/sood-orders-inspection-of-fire-safety-building-norms-at-delhi-coaching-hubs-101782323611500.html) that the Municipal Corporation of Delhi had been designated as the nodal agency to conduct fire audits and safety inspections of all coaching centres. The scrutiny follows a run of deadly fires. The Lucknow fire killed 15 students on June 24. In Delhi, nine members of a family died in a Palam fire on March 18, and 23 people died in a Hauz Rani hotel fire in Malviya Nagar on June 3.In response to Newslaundry’s questions, the MCD said it had acted against 38 coaching centres since June this year for flouting building bylaws. However, there was no clear response to specific questions about monitoring of coaching institutes for fire safety compliance. Aditya Tanwar, research head at Delhi-based NGO CYCLE (Centre for Youth Culture Law and Environment), said two staircases are compulsory for any educational building, and inspections must verify building plans, staircase width, and equipment such as extinguishers and alarms. “Fire safety cannot depend solely on inter-departmental correspondence,” he said. “The law should empower the technical authority with adequate enforcement powers.”In response to Newslaundry’s questions, the Delhi Fire Department says it checks buildings against the bylaws and fire-NOC requirements, and has formed a committee to examine illegal operations.  Small teams can do great things. All it takes is a subscription. Subscribe (http://newslaundry.com/subscription) now and power Newslaundry’s work.  
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Pilot dreams, few fire exits: Delhi’s private aviation training hubs flout safety norms https://www.newslaundry.com/2026/07/08/pilot-dreams-few-fire-exits-delhis-private-aviation-training-hubs-flout-safety-norms Delhi Chief Minister Rekha Gupta has given coaching institutes one month to fix fire safety or face action. But a ground visit to the city’s clusters of flying academies, where students pay lakhs to chase a pilot’s licence, suggests many still ignore the rules.Under Delhi’s building bylaws (https://dda.gov.in/sites/default/files/public-notice/COMPENDIUM_OF_UBBL_201605082020_0.pdf), every building needs a safe way out in a fire. A single staircase is permitted only if it meets fire department norms. Educational buildings (https://dfs.delhi.gov.in/sites/default/files/inline-files/faq.pdf) taller than 9 metres, or with ground-plus-two floors including a mezzanine, must have two staircases, and every exit must lead straight to the street. Norms also specify the need for safety equipment (https://dfs.delhi.gov.in/sites/default/files/Dfs/generic_multiple_files/dfs_rules_2010.pdf) such as fire extinguishers. Very little of that holds in the aviation belt around Ramphal Chowk and Palam Metro Station, where aviation coaching has become a cottage industry. Several private academies sit packed together. Those who have just finished class 12 pay between Rs 1.5 lakh and Rs 3 lakh for a six-to-eight-month course to prepare for the Directorate General of Civil Aviation (DGCA) pilot licence exams. But what they are training inside, our visit found, are windowless rooms served by a single staircase, choked approaches, and, in some cases, not a single fire extinguisher or exit sign. Inside the academiesThe first academy we entered was Vinod Yadav Aviation Academy. It occupies a ground-plus-three building. The ground floor runs a cosmetics store; the first floor holds a faculty room and a classroom of 30 aspiring pilots training from 8:30 am to 5:30 pm. The second and third floors also had a classroom each. Newslaundry visited two of these classrooms; both had no windows, no fire-exit signage, no extinguisher or water sprinkler. The exit was a solitary staircase leading to the terrace from the ground floor.When we asked Vinod Yadav Aviation Academy about its fire-safety measures on the phone number listed on its brochure, the person who answered the call said, “We don’t have an aviation academy”.At TOPFlyers, fire extinguishers sat on the staircase, but there was still only one way out. Windowless AC classrooms held 30 students across two batches. The academy operates from two floors in a multi-storey building. The ground floor houses a phone-cover shop and a food joint.TOPFlyers responded: “We have 20 fire extinguishers, smoke detectors, and an emergency escape ladder. The audit was done by Fire Officer Mr Deokant Mishra. We have also done a fire safety mock drill.” Beside it, Captessar Aviation Academy ran classes with 5 to 10 students in small, windowless rooms, with no fire extinguisher, no second staircase.In response to questions, Captessar Aviation Academy said, “We have fire extinguishers and enough staircases, as our academy is on the second floor.”Outside all these facilities, vehicles and street vendors crowd the road, leaving little room to run. Unlike some other academies that sit next to wider roads with pavements. But those have similar fire safety risks.Such as Star Alliance Aviation Academy, which is spread across three floors but has only one long staircase and no extinguisher. Or Aviators of Tomorrow, which keeps extinguishers on every floor but relies on a single staircase. They did not respond to Newslaundry’s emails seeking their response.The Airborne Aviation Academy stood out, with water sprinklers, a clear fire exit, a separate staircase and lift, and extinguishers both inside and outside its classrooms. The same story, a different tradeThe pattern is not confined to aviation. In Laxmi Nagar, the subject
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Cockroach Janta Party: 15 days later, bigger protest or bigger hype? https://www.newslaundry.com/2026/07/07/cockroach-janta-party-15-days-later-bigger-protest-or-bigger-hype The Cockroach Janta Party protest at Jantar Mantar has entered its second week. Sonam Wangchuk remains on an indefinite hunger strike, while several students fasting alongside him have reportedly fallen ill after days without food.But outside the protest site, a different battle is unfolding.Supporters say the protest is growing by the day, with students, young people and organisations from across India joining the campaign and piling pressure on the government. Critics argue the opposite: that despite the online buzz, the protest has failed to build the kind of nationwide public support it promised.Then there is another question: if this is a big youth-led movement, why is it almost invisible on mainstream television? Is the protest being ignored, or is it simply not as large as its supporters claim?Fifteen days in, what is the reality on the ground?Has the hunger strike changed the course of the protest? How many people are actually showing up? What do the protesters believe? And where is the movement headed from here?To answer those questions, we spent another day at Jantar Mantar, speaking to protesters, students and others at the site.Watch our ground report.
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after seeking the doctor’s opinion and finding that the injuries were grievous, we removed Section 109 from the chargesheet and instead added the section related to grievous hurt.” Asked why the police concluded the attack did not amount to attempted murder, and about the alleged communal motive, Atigre said he was busy and would respond later. He had not done so at the time of publication.The family further alleges the police turned the case against them. According to the complaint, a cross FIR was registered against Hussain, his father Saddam, and cousins Aabid and Aamir on May 1 on a complaint by Akash Patil of Padali village, who claimed they had abused and assaulted him. “Instead of protecting us, the police registered criminal cases against members of our own family,” Saddam claimed.Bail, a march, and a boycottAfter the accused were granted bail, the family says its troubles sharpened.On May 21, according to the complaint, supporters of the accused took out a procession through Aarla with DJs and firecrackers. Hussain alleged it was meant to intimidate. “They marched through the village shouting ‘Jai Shri Ram’ and communal slogans like ‘Uthao dande, bhagao laande’,” he said, referring to a slur used against Muslims in Maharashtra. “We informed the police, but no action was taken.”On June 7, 11 Muslim families left Aarla carrying banners reading “Save the Constitution” and set off toward the Kolhapur bench of the Bombay High Court. Their demands included a court-monitored investigation, a Special Investigation Team, action against Kokrud police officers, restoration of the attempt-to-murder charge, cancellation of the accused’s bail, and withdrawal of the cases against the Dange family. The march ended after about 12 kilometres when officials stopped the group with a written assurance.Hussain says the administration persuaded them to return with assurances of preventive action against the accused, fresh charges after investigation, and a new investigating officer. Then, on June 9, the family says, members of the Sakal Hindu Samaj took out a procession and announced a social boycott of the Muslim families connected to the case.On June 10, the Officer on Special Duty at the Bombay High Court’s Kolhapur circuit bench wrote to the Sangli SP, asking that the Dange family’s complaint be looked into appropriately and that the family be informed of the action taken at an early date.But just days later, on June 12, the police filed its chargesheet without considering the family’s requests, such as fresh charges and a new investigation. “Since then our situation has only become worse,” Hussain claimed.SP Doshi disputed that the whole community had been targeted. “There is no boycott of the entire Muslim community. That has been exaggerated,” he told Newslaundry. “Only a few families who were involved in the incident have been socially boycotted. The rest of the Muslim families are living peacefully.” He acknowledged the assault but said “as of now, the situation in the village is peaceful and normal”.A backdrop the family traces to 2023The family argues the attack was not a spontaneous quarrel but the product of years of communal mobilisation. Hussain claims tensions had been building since July 2023. “Several Hindutva leaders held a public meeting in our village and announced the formation of the Kattar Hindu Sena. Hate speeches were made against Muslims and a procession was taken out through the village,” he claimed.Over three years, he alleged, Ram Navami processions would halt outside the village mosque amid slogans praising Nathuram Godse. “Slowly, the atmosphere in the village changed and the harmony we had lived with for years disappeared. That’s why a small argument over a missing utensil turned into a communal attack. I believe this would never have happened if the shop had belonged to a Hindu.”Newslaundry reviewed several of the social media posts cited by the family; some contained inflammatory content targeting
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“Don’t leave. We’ll show these Muslims the strength of Hindus.” Calls were then made to people in Aarla and nearby villages, the complaint says, and within minutes 40 to 50 people had gathered.The attackHussain says he called Kokrud police twice, at 6.28 pm and 6.34 pm on April 28. Officers arrived around 7.10 pm and initially tried to disperse the crowd, he said. Then, by his account, the situation turned.“[An officer] repeatedly asked Kedar Pargavkar why he had gathered so many people… But Pargavkar raised slogans of ‘Jai Shri Ram’ and shouted, ‘Today we will not spare these Muslims.’ Then Rohit Petkar allegedly incited the crowd… ‘Come on, let’s smash them. Kill the Pakistanis.’ Within seconds, dozens of men carrying sticks, stones and wooden poles rushed towards our shop.”Hussain alleges he was then struck with the cleaver. “Kedar Pargavkar picked up the meat cleaver and swung it at my neck. I instinctively raised my left arm to protect myself. The blow landed on my arm instead, severing nerves and leaving me bleeding heavily. While attacking me, he shouted, ‘Today I will make you offer your last namaz.’”Aabid Dange alleged the assault continued even after Hussain collapsed. “When we tried to take Hussain to hospital, the mob attacked us again with sticks and stones. They damaged our vehicle and prevented us from leaving. I suffered injuries all over my back.”In a reply to the police dated May 12, Aadhar Hospital said Hussain had suffered a 15-cm lacerated wound on his left forearm, muscle tears, a severed left ulnar artery, and heavy blood loss, and described the injuries as grievous.A charge added, then droppedThe family’s central grievance is with what they say the police did after the attack. They allege officers made them wait at Kokrud Police Station from around 9 pm on April 28 until roughly 2 am before beginning to record their complaint. During those hours, the complaint claims, Pargavkar arrived at the station with 50 supporters, and threats were issued to family members.Hussain claims registering the FIR was itself a struggle. “Even after seeing my condition, the police were reluctant to register the FIR. My family had to struggle for hours before it was finally registered, and even then many of the main accused were left out.” Aabid alleged that officers steered the family away from naming everyone they held responsible. Fifteen accused were named in the FIR. These were identified as Kedar Pargavkar, Rohit Petkar, Omkar Patil, Prathmesh Patil, Sahil Bandu Patil, Karan Maali, Suresh Ghodwil, Omkar Jadhav, Vishal Bhashte, Prateek Bhadgule, Pradeep Gurav, Sumit Patil, Rishikesh Bhosale, Ajay Maali and Avinash Maali. However, according to the family, six other names, including Vikram Patil, were not included in the FIR. The complaint to the SP on May 29 alleged that Vikram Patil played a role in mobilising the mob and assaulted Hussain’s father as well as their cousins with sticks. Newslaundry could not reach any of these men for comment.Additionally, the FIR registered on the night of April 28–29 did not invoke Section 109 of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita, which deals with attempt to murder. The family says it approached SP Tushar Doshi to press for the charge. “We showed him photographs of my injuries and my medical reports,” Hussain said. “After that, he instructed the investigating officer to add the attempted murder charge.”Newslaundry verified that Section 109 was added to the FIR on May 5. But it was removed in the chargesheet the police filed on June 12 despite the hospital confirming the grievous injuries to Assistant Police Inspector Rahul Atigre on May 12. Atigre defended the decision when contacted by Newslaundry. He denied the police had been reluctant to register the FIR, saying the names of all the accused had been included. On Section 109, he said: “The victim was admitted to the ICU, so we could not add that section at first. Later, after the family approached the SP, we added Section 109. But
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Mob attack, broken official promises, then boycott: Life for 11 Muslim families in Maharashtra village https://www.newslaundry.com/2026/07/07/mob-attack-broken-official-promises-then-boycott-life-for-11-muslim-families-in-maharashtra-village For several weeks now, some Muslim-owned shops in Aarla have opened to empty streets, say their owners. Longtime customers have stopped coming. At least one shopkeeper says he is preparing to down his shutters for good and leave in search of work.This is the result of a social boycott, claimed Aabid Dange, whose family has been at the centre of the crisis. “No one comes to our shops anymore. We have had almost no business for weeks… I am planning to shut my grocery shop and leave the village in search of work,” he said. “We were attacked because we are Muslims, but instead of receiving justice, we are the ones paying the price.”The boycott, announced on June 9, is the latest turn in a saga that began six weeks earlier: with a question about a missing utensil and an assault involving members of a radical Hindutva outfit.On April 28, Aabid’s cousin Hussain Dange had asked two young customers who had borrowed utensils from his chicken shop where the pot lid was. Within hours, according to the family, a mob of 40 to 50 men had gathered outside; by the end of the evening Hussain’s left arm had been nearly severed by a meat cleaver.What followed, the Dange family alleges, was a second ordeal – a police investigation they describe as reluctant and skewed, an attempt-to-murder charge that was added and then quietly dropped even after a hospital certified grievous, potentially fatal injuries, bail for the accused, and a celebratory procession through the village with anti-Muslim slogans. When 11 Muslim families marched toward the Bombay High Court’s Kolhapur bench in early June demanding action, officials persuaded them to return home with written assurances. But days later, the boycott began.This account is drawn from the family’s complaint to the authorities, documents and medical records reviewed by Newslaundry, and interviews with the family, police, and others.A dispute over a pot lidAccording to the complaint by Hussain and his brother Saddam to the Sangli SP and the public grievance cell of the high court’s Kolhapur bench on May 29, the sequence began around 11.30 am on April 28, when six or seven youths from neighbouring Padali village came to Hussain’s shop to buy chicken and borrowed cooking utensils from Hussain. He says he did not charge them and asked only that everything be returned.When they came back that afternoon, a pot lid and a serving spoon were missing. Hussain questioned them; the youths, who he says appeared heavily drunk, began arguing among themselves, and one threw another’s motorcycle key toward the shop before leaving. About 10 minutes later they returned, handing back the spoon but not the lid. Seeing they were intoxicated, Hussain says he decided to let the matter go.The youths returned a third time about 15 minutes later, accusing Hussain of taking the motorcycle key and demanding Rs 500. When he refused to pay, they allegedly reached for a weighing scale and the meat cleaver kept inside the shop.“I told them not to touch anything in my shop, but they started abusing me and threatening to beat me,” Hussain claimed. “When my younger brother Saddam arrived, one of the youths picked up the meat cleaver and chased him, trying to strike him three or four times. He somehow escaped. They stopped only when they noticed my cousin Aamir recording them on his phone.”The confrontation might have ended there. But according to the complaint, several local Hindutva activists, including Kedar Pargavkar, arrived outside the shop and urged the youths not to leave.Kedar Pargavkar is affiliated to Shri Shivpratishthan Hindustan, led by Hindutva leader Sambhaji Bhide, who has faced several criminal cases over the years, including for rioting. Pargavkar allegedly told the group:
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Dearness Allowance. Those who complete at least five years of service under the same employer are eligible for one additional increment for every five years of service, subject to a maximum of three increments. The notification also provides grade promotions for eligible clerical and accounting staff after 10 years of service, protects employees already receiving higher wages and allowances, and clarifies that staff whose salaries are paid by the government under government pay scales are outside its purview.Rajitha, a field officer with the Thiruvananthapuram District Labour Commissionerate, told TNM that labour officials are unable to intervene because there is no legal provision covering private school teachers.“We used to receive complaints from private school teachers. But we are not able to take any action because teaching staff are not covered under the minimum wage notifications. Even when we conduct inspections at schools, we interact only with the non-teaching staff. We don’t even meet the teachers,” she said.* Name changedThis report was republished (https://www.thenewsminute.com/kerala/one-of-keralas-lowest-paid-professionals-the-private-school-teacher) from The News Minute as part of The News Minute-Newslaundry alliance. Read about our partnership here (https://www.newslaundry.com/2023/04/28/newslaundry-the-news-minute-alliance-for-more-public-interest-journalism) and become a subscriber here (https://www.thenewsminute.com/membership).‘Be transparent. Be accountable’: The teen who shook India’s education system (https://www.newslaundry.com/2026/06/04/be-transparent-be-accountable-the-teen-who-shook-indias-education-system)
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from Alappuzha district, said there is a reason why many women continue to remain in the profession despite the low pay.“There has long been a perception in society that teaching is the ideal profession for women. It is seen as a 10-to-5 job that allows women to return home before dusk. It is also considered a ‘respectable’ profession. Because of this, many women stay on in these jobs while preparing for government recruitment exams. Some eventually secure government posts, while many others remain trapped in private schools,” she said.“Some teachers manage to move to the UAE to work in Indian schools there. Even the salaries there are no longer very attractive, so many have migrated to the Maldives instead. Others have moved to north India to teach in schools run by Kerala-based religious organisations or trusts. These are among the few opportunities available for private school teachers from Kerala to escape the system here,” she added.“What else can we do? Our families won’t allow us to take up daily wage work, even though it pays much better. They believe that after studying so much, we shouldn’t be doing manual labour. So our entire lives become a struggle to secure a government teaching job,” said Anupama*, a teacher from Malappuram district.Gender gapTeachers also pointed to a clear gender pay gap in the sector, with male teachers often earning more than female teachers with similar qualifications and experience. In many schools, men are primarily appointed as physical education, drawing, or sports teachers.“A male physical education teacher earns about Rs 5,000 to Rs 10,000 more monthly than a female teacher with the same experience. When I was hired, I was offered a salary of Rs 10,000. In the same year, a male drawing teacher was recruited and offered Rs 15,500,” said a 24-year-old teacher from Palakkad district.A school principal from Thiruvananthapuram attributed the disparity to hiring practices.“Men generally do not accept teaching jobs if the salary offered is below Rs 15,000,” she said, adding that qualified women physical education teachers are also relatively rare.Sulfath M Sulu, a prominent women’s rights activist, told TNM that there have also been allegations of salary-related irregularities in private schools.“There is a practice in some schools where the salary shown in official records is higher than what teachers actually receive. On paper, one amount is recorded, but in reality they are paid much less,” she said.“There have been attempts to organise private school teachers, but they have not been successful. Building a strong teachers’ organisation is essential and is perhaps the only long-term solution to this exploitation,” she added.Almost every teacher TNM spoke to said they were too afraid to even think about forming or joining an organisation.No minimum wage protection for teachersThe Kerala Labour Commissionerate has issued minimum wage notifications for 91 employment and industry sectors. These notifications cover almost every major employment sector in the state, except the teaching staff of private educational institutions. The only notification related to private educational institutions applies to non-teaching staff.These minimum wage notifications have been issued by the Kerala government using the powers vested under the Minimum Wages Act, 1948 (Central Act 11 of 1948), after consultation with the Minimum Wages Advisory Board.The latest notification concerning the private education sector was issued in February 2021. However, it deals exclusively with the “minimum rates of wages payable to employees employed in the Private Educational Institutions (Non-Teaching) Industry Sector.”The notification revised the pay scales for 11 categories of non-teaching employees. Monthly wages range from Rs 11,130 to Rs 12,230 for sweepers and ayahs, and Rs 16,990 to Rs 21,390 for administrators, administrative officers, and site engineers. In addition to the basic pay, employees are entitled to
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One of Kerala’s lowest paid professionals: The private school teacher https://www.newslaundry.com/2026/07/07/one-of-keralas-lowest-paid-professionals-the-private-school-teacher Kerala has long been known for offering the country’s highest wages for manual labour, attracting lakhs of interstate migrant workers every year. A construction worker earns around Rs 1,200 a day, agricultural labourers often make more than Rs 1,000, and domestic workers earn at least Rs 500 a day.But what is one of the lowest paid jobs in the state?Based on interviews with several teachers, Labour Department officials as well as activists, TNM found that teaching in private schools could be a top contender. Teachers with postgraduate or Bachelor of Education (BEd) degrees said they earn monthly salaries as low as Rs 8,500 to Rs 15,000. Many of them have also cleared the Kerala Teacher Eligibility Test (KTET), the state government’s qualifying examination for teachers. Despite years of experience and annual increments, many remain outside the protection of minimum wage laws and have little bargaining power to demand better pay.In contrast, the starting salary for government school teachers in Kerala is around Rs 40,000 per month.TNM spoke to at least 22 teachers from eight districts in the state, working in large, medium, and small CBSE and ICSE schools. The schools are run by individuals, trusts, religious organisations, and other private managements.At least 12 teachers said they were offered salaries between Rs 9,000 and Rs 13,000 when they joined. Four teachers, despite having worked in the same school for more than six years, currently draw salaries between Rs 8,500 and Rs 9,500. Three others, including one male teacher, said their salary is Rs 15,000 after working more than three years in the same school.Three teachers declined to disclose their salaries, saying they felt ashamed to speak about it. However, they said no female teacher in their school earns more than Rs 15,000 a month.A few teachers employed in schools that follow international curricula said they earn more than Rs 20,000 a month.A workforce without voiceMary*, a 45-year-old English teacher from Kozhikode district, has been working in the private education sector for the past 15 years. Her monthly salary is Rs 10,500.“I am embarrassed to tell you my salary. When I joined, I was paid Rs 4,500. Every year, they increase it by such a small amount that I can’t even talk about it outside. You can imagine what my annual increment looks like if I’m getting only Rs 10,500 after 15 years,” she said.Sharadha*, a 49-year-old teacher from Kannur district, earns only Rs 8,500 a month.“Teachers who joined recently are paid Rs 12,000. Since I joined almost 10 years ago, I still get only this much. My annual increment was just Rs 250,” she said.Mary and Sharadha’s stories reflect the reality faced by hundreds of private school teachers across Kerala.All the teachers TNM spoke to have postgraduate degrees along with a BEd. Most of them have also cleared KTET.“I completed my PhD in Mathematics. Two years ago, I applied for a high school teaching post at one of the biggest schools in Thiruvananthapuram district, where my son also studies. They offered me a salary of Rs 9,500. My travel expenses alone would have been nearly half that amount, so I did not accept the offer,” another teacher told TNM.Private school teachers, the overwhelming majority of whom are women, constitute one of the largest unorganised workforces in Kerala.“If we have any demand, we are not even allowed to raise it collectively. Only if we approach the management individually and plead with them, they might agree to listen. A few years ago, a group of teachers in our school met the manager to ask for a salary hike. They were all asked to leave the school. The management is afraid of teachers organising,” said a teacher from Idukki district.A teacher from Kannur district recounted a similar experience.Elsa*, a senior teacher
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writes (https://www.thenewsminute.com/opinion/i-lost-my-vote-during-sir-r-rajagopal-former-editor-of-the-telegraph-writes)India Inked (https://www.amazon.in/India-Inked-Elections-Largest-Democracy/dp/9361315668?s=bazaar)The Origins of Totalitarianism (https://www.amazon.in/Origins-Totalitarianism-Penguin-Modern-Classics/dp/0241316758?s=bazaar)Check out the recommendations and references from this episode (https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/1SuGm5-JwvRc4SCazAtW9956IKfsy3RrTJOFMsvbhmGE/edit?usp=sharing).Support South Central: https://pages.razorpay.com/south-central (https://pages.razorpay.com/south-central)Send your thoughts, suggestions, and criticism as well.Contribute to our reporting fund. Click here. (https://pages.razorpay.com/reporting-fund) To check out our other shows, click here (https://www.thenewsminute.com/videos). To not miss any updates, join TNM's WhatsApp Channel! Click here (https://www.whatsapp.com/channel/0029VaAPDLKCxoB4y7QzMZ20).You can also let us know what you think by filling out our quick feedback form (https://forms.gle/fotHnLrY7uEVbzSB8). Your suggestions help shape future episodes of South Central. Contribute to our reporting fund. Click here. (https://pages.razorpay.com/reporting-fund) To check out our other shows, click here (https://www.thenewsminute.com/videos).To not miss any updates, join TNM's WhatsApp Channel! Click here (https://www.whatsapp.com/channel/0029VaAPDLKCxoB4y7QzMZ20).Producers - Megha Mukundan and Akshay Lal, Camera - Ajay R,  Editor - Jaseem Ali, Social Media - Riya T T and Sukanya ShajiSouth Central 81: Ayodhya Ram temple trust allegations and the politics of defections (https://www.newslaundry.com/2026/06/29/south-central-81-ayodhya-ram-temple-trust-allegations-and-the-politics-of-defections)Who owns your hospitals? Private equity’s growing grip on Kerala’s healthcare (https://www.newslaundry.com/2026/07/04/who-owns-your-hospitals-private-equitys-growing-grip-on-keralas-healthcare)
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preoccupied with access, care, quality and the like,” he explains.He further elaborates on how no new hospitals were started in Kerala, but major hospitals were taken over through a share buyout. “Initially, we feel the infrastructure investment is good. But gradually, they will exercise some kind of value creation and then eventually sell it out, making sure the profit is four to five times what they invested. An example is the 2018 takeover of Max Healthcare by KKR, an investment company. 27% of shares were sold in 2022, for almost ten times the price. In Kerala, we can also speculate on the profit they seek to make when selling out. Morbidity is often the commodity they are trying to harvest,” says Dr Althaf.Dhanya asks how this is any different from the status quo, because private hospitals always run on profit, she points out.“Kerala’s famed healthcare model is not solely built on public hospitals. There has definitely been a private sector that has pitched in to make that model efficient. But as in any business, there is always a chance of profit or loss, but the PE principle does not account for loss. They only move ahead focused on profit, and that is the concern,” says Dr Althaf.He adds that venture capital and IPOs can be alternative avenues to invite investments in the health sector, without the profit motive of the PEs.The panel further delves into medical ethics, the dichotomy of doctors being involved in the financial reorganisation of hospitals, and what the government can do to bring a check and balance.Tune in to the episode here.Listen and follow on YouTube (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=r8OOnZlZEkA&t=3268s)Listen and follow on Apple (https://podcasts.apple.com/in/podcast/losing-your-vote-and-passport-pe-in-kerala-hospitals/id1779661529?i=1000775346770)Listen and follow on Spotify (https://open.spotify.com/episode/42bl8OgLEE82AkZCIueBle?si=8686f162db984bbb)Audio timecodes:00:00:00 - Introduction00:02:10 - Headlines00:09:35 - SIR and issues00:48:53 - PE in Kerala hospitals1:19:46 - RecommendationsReferences:Who owns your hospitals? Private equity's growing grip on Kerala's healthcare (https://www.thenewsminute.com/kerala/who-owns-your-hospitals-private-equitys-growing-grip-on-keralas-healthcare)The protests against AI City outside Bengaluru (https://youtu.be/6Bp1wLwizqc?si=otnTiuaZdi3AsLZq)Who is Justice Muralidhar? The Indian judge behind the UN’s Gaza report | Let Me Explain 146 (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ih8a51BCOD8)Three companies that caused over a 100 child deaths | Pharma | Investigation (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8Mi91P5Di3Q)Bengaluru’s Disappearing Pavements: Sadashivanagar vs Kalyan Nagar |Elite Encroachments Across India (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=163YiyRl06Q)Major footpath clearance drive in Bengaluru, many citizens relieved, vendors bear the brunt (https://www.thenewsminute.com/karnataka/major-footpath-clearance-drive-in-bengaluru-many-citizens-relieved-vendors-bear-the-brunt)Pawan Kalyan’s Politics | Let Me Explain with Pooja Prasanna| EP 44| Jana Sena (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Xg5rdYumjKI)Who is Behind the Raavan? || Raavan, KVR Arrest || Thulasi Chandu (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=mmaHur8vpFY&t=35s)Recommendations:Dhanya RajendranRead works by Scroll, Newslaundry, Reporters' Collective and The Wire's work on SIRPooja PrasannaThe RSS: A Menace to India (https://www.amazon.in/RSS-G-Noorani/dp/8193466683)Let Me Explain (https://youtu.be/BG7QN8mGyNo?si=UOF3lnKH5wPb3X8P)Jisha SuryaCareless People (https://www.amazon.in/Careless-People-explosive-memoir-doesnt-ebook/dp/B0DZD18WRP)Wild (https://www.amazon.in/Wild-Found-Pacific-Crest-Trail/dp/0307476073)M I SahadullaThe lost art of healing (https://www.amazon.in/Lost-Art-Healing-Practicing-Compassion/dp/0345425979)R RajagopalThe Reporters' Collective (https://www.reporters-collective.in/)The News Minute (https://www.thenewsminute.com/)ShivasundarI lost my vote during SIR: R Rajagopal, former Editor of The Telegraph,
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South Central 82: Losing your vote and passport | PE in Kerala hospitals https://www.newslaundry.com/2026/07/06/south-central-82-losing-your-vote-and-passport-pe-in-kerala-hospitals In this week's South Central, hosts Dhanya Rajendran and Pooja Prasanna first discuss senior journalist R Rajagopal’s letter regarding the removal of his name from the electoral rolls, denying him renewal of his passport. The hosts are joined by R Rajagopal himself and Shivasundar, a senior activist and researcher who has been studying the election process.“I could not find my own name in the 2002 electoral rolls. I was not surprised, because it was a period of moving and we decided to be in West Bengal only later. But my father’s case is really surprising. Even my wife’s mother was in West Bengal. So it is intriguing why the names were removed from the state’s electoral rolls,” Rajagopal explains.He further says that there should not be a cause for concern even if names are not in the 2002 rolls.“The adjudication process is quite hazy. There is still a lot of ambiguity about the validity of the Aadhar card and so on. My birth certificate is also not solid in my case because I was born two years before it became an acceptable document of identity. The matriculation certificate is what has been accepted so far, and I have submitted that. Despite, my name was not in the list. No reason has been conveyed to me either. I am learning that they may have employed what is called a logical discrepancy, like a misspelt name or something. I have filed an appeal, and in West Bengal alone, massive numbers of such appeals are currently pending under various government-appointed commissions,” he adds.Dhanya says that there is a general notion that those being excluded from the SIR process from rolls are from marginalised or financially disadvantaged backgrounds. “Rajagopal’s case exposes that it is not true, and also shows us the kinds of legal hoops he is made to jump through, affecting passport renewals, travel and so on,” she says.Shivasundar says that the non-acceptance of the Aadhar card is also ambiguous.“The Supreme Court has now given full autonomy to the Election Commission to suspect it if the case permits. So this whole imbalance is structural, and the state governments have been given no powers to intervene, tilting the whole process in favour of the Union government and the ECI’s discretion,” he points out.The panel further discusses the concept of logical discrepancy, conflicting stands of courts, and the inherent problems of the whole SIR process.In the second part of the episode, the hosts discuss the private equity investments in Kerala’s health sector and how they pose the risk of prioritising profit over patient care. They are joined by investigative journalist Jisha Surya, Chairman of KIMS Health, Dr M I Sahadulla, and medical researcher and educator Dr A Althaf.Jisha explains the findings of her investigation into the inflow of cash from private equity firms in Kerala’s hospitals. “It started in 2023 with the KIMS hospital in Trivandrum. Thereafter, several firms started making big investments. This has a pattern. We have seen PE firms from the US investing in Kerala’s hospitals, including those in tier 3 and 4 cities. Parallely, several small and medium hospitals are being closed down, and the concern is whether this will affect the famed Kerala model of public healthcare,” she says.Dr A Althaf says that this is a concern.“Such PE investments in healthcare started as a post-globalisation phenomenon across the globe. They peaked in 2006 in the US. We must also learn from the experiences in these countries. Activists and experts were worried about this, and the general perception is that more investments mean better healthcare. Studies have found that the mortality rates are higher in the US’s PE-funded hospitals, shattering the myth that more investments make healthcare quality better. PE’s are exclusively for profit and are not
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didn’t.”A shopkeeper in the colony, who witnessed the incident but wished to remain anonymous, said: “At 7:30, it (violence) started. When I saw them (the mob), I half-closed my shutter. This kind of chaos and violence has never happened before. Police were standing there from the beginning. First, stones were thrown from above. The people with Vipin were not from here. By 8, I closed my shop and left.”Swati, a resident of the colony, said: “I heard noise and came out. They were reciting Hanuman Chalisa, police were there, and these people were chanting ‘Jai Shri Ram’. This is the first time such violence has occurred in our area.”Rihana, a resident of the jhuggi, claimed: “I went there and saw people arguing. Someone from the group hit me with a stick…Police carried me away from the location.”Another woman from the colony, who also wished to remain anonymous, claimed the slum-dwellers used force to occupy the park.Asked about the video showing him carrying a sharp weapon, Rajput claimed it was part of self-defence.The mahapanchayatThe tensions refuse to die down.On July 5, Vipin Rajput and members of a group called the Hindu Samaj organised a mahapanchayat at the park. The gathering reportedly drew several Hindutva voices, including activist Preet Singh (https://www.newslaundry.com/2022/05/27/hindu-mahapanchayat-organiser-father-absconding-as-wife-says-raped-at-in-laws-house-for-2-years). Vipin also shared a poster for the event on his Instagram account. It read: “Bharat mein badhte Islamikaran ko rokne evam Hindu Samaj par ho rahe atyachar ke khilaaf Sarv Hindu Samaj ki Mahapanchayat.”Vipin said: “We took permission from the police station on Friday to hold the Mahapanchayat. It was scheduled from morning till evening, although our programme lasted about two to three hours. We discussed issues such as unauthorised jhuggis, what we allege is the targeting and exploitation of Hindus, the Hanuman Chalisa incident, and the flags in the park.”Gobind Singh, a local resident who attended, said: “The purpose of the programme was to unite the Hindu community and urge the authorities to take action if such incidents happen again.”Newslaundry has sent questions to DCP Goyal. This report will be updated if a response is received. Small teams can do great things. All it takes is a subscription. Subscribe (http://newslaundry.com/subscription) now and power Newslaundry’s work.  
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‘Pakistani’ flag claim, contested DDA park: Anatomy of the Sagarpur communal violence https://www.newslaundry.com/2026/07/06/pakistani-flag-claim-contested-dda-park-anatomy-of-the-sagarpur-communal-violence In East Sagarpur, southwest Delhi, a narrow lane has become a widening fault line. On one side of Gali No. 8 sits a largely Muslim-populated jhuggi; on the other, a colony of mostly Hindu homes. Between them lies a small DDA park – and, over 10 days in late June and early July, that park has become the flashpoint for communal unrest that residents say has left the neighbourhood more polarised than before.The trigger, allegedly, was a flag.On Friday, June 26 – the 10th day of the Islamic month of Muharram – certain accounts circulated CCTV footage (https://www.instagram.com/reel/DaQQxMsJDGT/?igsh=MTB2ZHFlMzlia2xuNQ==) showing a child waving a flag near the park. Locals in the slum said it was a green flag with a white crescent and star that is routinely displayed at Muslim festivals. But Hindutva activists insisted it was a Pakistani flag.Separately, there were objections to an Alam – a flagpole raised during Muharram – that had been erected at the DDA park.The next day, June 27, Vipin Rajput, a Hindutva activist (https://www.facebook.com/hindutvawatchIn/videos/location-sagarpur-delhidate-march-20hindu-nationalist-supporter-vipin-rajput-vis/1246418894304435/), filed a written complaint at Sagarpur police station. He alleged that a Pakistani flag had been waved and objected to the presence of the Alam at the park. Rajput said the police did not act.Then the situation spiralled.June 30: Hanuman Chalisa and violenceOn Tuesday, June 30, between 7 and 8 pm, Hindutva activists gathered (https://www.jagran.com/delhi/new-delhi-city-sagarpur-clash-stone-pelting-at-sundarkand-path-in-delhi-40291517.html) at the same DDA park, saying they would recite the Hanuman Chalisa. Videos (https://www.instagram.com/reel/DaVXgnSPMW0/?igsh=cXZleWFwd24wZ2Nw) from the scene show members carrying a mic and a speaker. Vipin Rajput was seen with a sharp weapon and heard on the mic saying, “Jhuggi ke logon ne jeena haram kar ke rakha hai.” Another man then took the mic and said, “You celebrated your festival, so we will do Hanuman Chalisa here.”The Alam at the park was removed during the gathering, which residents said further escalated tensions. It is not clear who removed it. An argument soon spiralled into stone-pelting. DCP (South West) Amit Goyal told (https://www.jagran.com/delhi/new-delhi-city-sagarpur-clash-stone-pelting-at-sundarkand-path-in-delhi-40291517.html) the media that Hindutva activists had gathered in the DDA park behind the slum to recite the Hanuman Chalisa when some jhuggi residents objected, leading to a heated argument. He said an adequate police force had already been deployed, and that police intervened, brought the situation under control and dispersed both sides.It remains unclear who the FIR names and on whose complaint it was registered. According to media reports (https://www.jagran.com/delhi/new-delhi-city-sagarpur-brawl-police-identify-stonepelters-from-cctv-footage-40293491.html), the case has been registered under Sections 115 (voluntarily causing hurt), 126(2) (wrongful restraint) and 3(5) (common intention) of the BNS. Requests to the police to share a copy of the FIR failed to elicit a response.Police also told the media that they were examining videos circulating online, CCTV footage and other evidence, and that further legal action would follow their findings. They said the area was currently normal, and urged people to ignore rumours and refrain from sharing unverified information on social media.However, some local residents accused the police of inaction.Noor Jahan, 45, who was injured in the incident, told Newslaundry: “Police were there, but the argument escalated, and they beat us. At first, there were only a few police, but later many people gathered at the scene. They say we threw stones, but we
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Bhutan editor stands by E20 report after Modi govt denial https://www.newslaundry.com/2026/07/06/bhutan-editor-stands-by-e20-report-after-modi-govt-denial Last week, Bhutanese newspaper The Bhutanese reported (https://thebhutanese.bt/bhutan-says-no-to-ethanol-fuel-offer-from-indian-omcs/) that Bhutan had declined an offer from Indian Oil Marketing Companies (OMCs) to supply E20 petrol. The report cited concerns over ethanol’s hygroscopic nature – its tendency to absorb water – which, combined with old and potentially leaky underground storage tanks in Bhutan’s Himalayan terrain, could contaminate the fuel and damage vehicles.Bhutan has politely declined offers by Indian Oil Marketing Companies to buy E 20 petrol as Bhutan does not have the storage facilities for such a hygroscopic (water absorbing) fuel. This is especially tricky in a Himalayan terrain with seepage in tanks.https://t.co/MTB09mp7oy— Tenzing Lamsang (@TenzingLamsang) July 3, 2026 (https://x.com/TenzingLamsang/status/2072935103026942024?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw) Three days later, India’s Ministry of Petroleum and Natural Gas disputed the report. In a fact-check posted on its official X account, the ministry said the claims were “incorrect,” adding that no OMC had made any such offer and that no proposal to export E20 to Bhutan existed.Fact Check ❌ Claims that Bhutan declined an offer to import E20 petrol from India are incorrect. No such offer has been made by the Oil Marketing Companies (OMCs), and there is no proposal for export of E20 petrol to Bhutan. ✅ Please rely only on official information from… pic.twitter.com/sqyAcEIvbw (https://t.co/sqyAcEIvbw)— Ministry of Petroleum and Natural Gas #MoPNG (@PetroleumMin) July 5, 2026 (https://x.com/PetroleumMin/status/2073644779754393858?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw) However, Tenzing Lamsang, the editor of The Bhutanese, stood by the paper’s report. He tried to counter the ministry with his tweet, which had a written reply from Bhutan’s Department of Trade, confirming the claim that Indian OMCs had raised E20 during technical meetings, and that the department had asked them to continue supplying normal petrol instead. He said his verbal interviews with officials corroborated this account as well.Since there is an official denial, please find the written response by the Department of Trade of the Bhutanese Govt confirming to me an offer was made by Indian OMCs & the Department requested the OMCs to supply normal petrol. My verbal interviews confirmed it too. pic.twitter.com/0z1Q9zbqTD (https://t.co/0z1Q9zbqTD)— Tenzing Lamsang (@TenzingLamsang) July 5, 2026 (https://x.com/TenzingLamsang/status/2073706764818931756?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw) The document does not use the words “formal offer” or “proposal,” which is the basis of the ministry’s denial. It does, however, detail Bhutan’s concerns over its storage tank infrastructure, and states that Bhutan has asked India for advance notice if the country eventually shifts to fully ethanol-blended petrol, so fuel dealers have time to upgrade their tanks.Bhutan’s largest fuel distributor, Tashi BOD, has separately said its stations are not currently equipped to handle ethanol-blended fuel because of the seepage issue.This comes as India’s own E20 rollout faces domestic scrutiny over reports of reduced mileage and vehicle wear.Neither Lamsang nor the ministry uploaded the full document. So the question remains unresolved whether an offer was formally made or informally raised during discussions. Complaining about the media is easy. Why not do something to make it better? Support independent media and subscribe (http://newslaundry.com/subscription) to Newslaundry today. 
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Months before Satluj vanished, Honey Trehan told us why he kept hoping https://www.newslaundry.com/2026/07/06/months-before-satluj-vanished-honey-trehan-told-us-why-he-kept-hoping Less than two days after its long-awaited release on OTT platform Zee5, Diljit Dosanjh-starrer Satluj, previously titled Punjab 95, has been taken down from the streaming service in India.Some viewers said the film vanished midway through their viewing. Zee5 said it stood firmly behind the film but confirmed that it would remain unavailable for streaming in India until further notice. “We remain committed to exploring every appropriate avenue through due process to bring the film back to our audiences at the earliest opportunity. Our commitment to creators and to stories told with conviction, artistic integrity and purpose remains unwavering,” the statement read. Originally titled Punjab 95, the film traces the journey of human rights activist Jaswant Singh Khalra, who exposed the alleged mass disappearances and extra-judicial killings in Punjab during the turbulent 10-year period from 1984 to 1994, before “disappearing” in 1995. The film had originally been slated for a theatrical release on February 7 last year. However, it remained in limbo after the Central Board of Film Certification refused certification and reportedly asked the makers to implement 127 cuts before approving it for theatrical release. After months of uncertainty, the uncut version was eventually released directly on Zee5 with the different title.Besides Diljit Dosanjh, the film also stars Arjun Rampal, Kanwaljit Singh, Suvinder Vicky and Geetika Vidya Ohlyan. It is directed by Honey Trehan. If you have followed Newslaundry’s coverage of the film’s long and troubled journey, this latest development will sound familiar. At The Media Rumble last year, while Punjab 95 was still awaiting certification, Honey Trehan spoke candidly about the uncertainty surrounding its release. He revealed that he had submitted the film to the CBFC in December 2022 and was still waiting for approval nearly two years later. Asked whether he was still hopeful, Honey replied, “Yes, I think only me.” Watch the full session here (https://www.newslaundry.com/2025/10/17/can-indian-cinema-be-a-chronicler-of-our-times).Speaking about the cuts in an episode of South Central, Honey Trehan had said, “Khalra has been part of my childhood, the story of my land. I feel like he has been abducted again now, with his story being censored.” He adds that challenging Khalra’s story is equal to challenging the Constitution itself, because it is an assault on our right to freedom of speech and expression.Tune into the full conversation here (https://www.newslaundry.com/2025/06/29/south-central-33-the-cbfcs-absurd-demand-of-127-cuts-for-punjab-95-director-honey-trehan-speaks).Following the film’s release on Zee5, Trehan had described Satluj as a “labour of love“ made with honesty, sensitivity, and without compromise.“After a long wait, audiences will finally witness our labour of love and hard work. Satluj is not just the story of one individual; it is a tribute to the strength of human spirit in the face of adversity. Everyone associated with the film deeply believed in the importance of this narrative, as it draws inspiration from the life of the great martyr Jaswant Singh. I'm delighted that it is now reaching audiences on Zee 5,“ he said. Complaining about the media is easy. Why not do something to make it better? Support independent media and subscribe (http://newslaundry.com/subscription) to Newslaundry today. 
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