Crest Learning UPSC
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An initiative to prepare for UPSC. We Cover important news articles from reputated news papers, PIB, YOJANA, KURUKSHETRA and other govt. Documents Aligned with static Syllabus of the UPSC.
إظهار المزيد1 379
المشتركون
-124 ساعات
-147 أيام
-2530 أيام
أرشيف المشاركات
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➡️ India
• Total Final Consumption Expenditure (FCE): ~70% of GDP
• Private Final Consumption Expenditure (PFCE): ~58–60%
• Government Final Consumption Expenditure (GFCE): ~10–12%
India = Consumption-driven economy (≈ 60% private consumption)
➡️Average daily protein intake (per person):
• ≈ 47–50 grams/day
Break-up (commonly cited):
• Rural India: ~47 g/day
• Urban India: ~50 g/day
(Source basis: NSSO household consumption surveys; static UPSC value)
Recommended vs Actual
• ICMR recommended intake: ~60 g/day (adult, average)
• India’s actual intake: Deficient by ~10–13 g/day
➡️India’s manufacturing capacity utilisation:
• ≈ 75–77%
Source (static & authentic):
• Reserve Bank of India – OBICUS Survey
(Order Books, Inventories and Capacity Utilisation Survey)
• India: ~75–77%
• China: 74.4% (as mentioned)
• USA: ~74–76% (varies by cycle)
India’s manufacturing sector operates at roughly three-fourths of installed capacity.
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Travel & Tourism Development Index (TTDI)
• Issued by: World Economic Forum (WEF)
• Earlier name: Travel & Tourism Competitiveness Index (TTCI)
• First introduced: 2007 (as TTCI)
• Renamed as TTDI: 2021
• Latest editions: Biennial (once in two years)
What it measures (Prelims keywords):
• Travel & tourism infrastructure
• Safety & security
• International openness (visas, connectivity)
• Transport efficiency
• Enabling environment for travel
👉 Hence, when newspapers say “ease of travel indices”, they are loosely pointing to indices like TTDI.
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➡️Future of Work: India’s Youth under the New Labour Code
India’s four Labour Codes (implemented Nov 2025) seek to formalise employment and expand social security, but PLFS data reveal persistent informality, contractual insecurity, and gender gaps among youth, raising concerns about realisation of the demographic dividend.
Status of Youth Employment: Key Data (PLFS 2023-24)
1. Labour Market Participation & Unemployment
• LFPR (15–29 years): 46.5%
• LFPR (30–59 years): 76.4%
• Youth unemployment rate: 10.2%
• Urban young women unemployment: 20.1%
• Only 28.8% of young women participate in labour force
🔹Inference: Demographic advantage not translating into labour market outcomes.
2. Informality & Quality of Employment
• ~90% of young workers are informally employed.
• Among young regular salaried workers:
• 60.5% lack social security
• 66.1% have no written contract
• Youth more likely to be unpaid family workers within self-employment.
🔹Inference: Formal job titles do not ensure formal conditions
3. Contractual Insecurity
• Long-term contracts (>3 years):
• Youth: 16.5%
• Adults (>30): 35.4%
• Contractual precarity disproportionately affects youth.
4. Gig & Platform Economy (Structural Shift)
• Gig workers:
• 77 lakh (2020-21) → 2.35 crore by 2029-30 (NITI Aayog)
• Youth over-represented in platform work.
• Characterised by:
• No written contracts
• No assured social security
• Multiple job-holding
What the New Labour Codes Attempt to Address
1. Formalisation Measures
• Consolidation of 29 central laws into 4 Codes
• Mandatory appointment letters
• Guaranteed and timely wage payments
• National floor wage → benefits low-paid, entry-level youth jobs
2. Fixed-Term Employment Protection
• Legal recognition of fixed-term contracts
• Parity in wages, leave, social security, gratuity
• Eligibility after 1 year of service
🔹Important for youth, who dominate fixed-term employment
3. Social Security Expansion
• Code on Social Security covers:
• Unorganised workers
• Gig & platform workers
• Registration from age 16
• National & State Social Security Boards
• Broader scope than Unorganised Workers’ Social Security Act, 2008
Critical Gaps & Limitations
1. Coverage Gaps
• Many provisions exclude enterprises with <10 workers
• Large share of youth employed in such units → exclusion persist
2. Gig Worker Ambiguity
• Definitions of gig/platform workers remain broad & discretionary
• Multiple job-holding complicates identification
• Weak enforceability → risk of repeating 2008 Act’s failure
3. Data & Implementation Deficit
• Gig workers still subsumed under self-employment in surveys
• Second National Commission on Labour (early 2000s) recommendations inadequately implemented
• Weak labour market data hampers policy targeting
Way Forward
• 🔹 Dedicated national gig & platform worker registry
• 🔹 Portability of social security across jobs & states
• 🔹 Integration of PLFS + administrative databases
• 🔹 Lower enterprise-size thresholds for coverage
• 🔹 Stronger State-level enforcement mechanisms
Conclusion
While the Labour Codes represent a structural reform, without closing gaps in coverage, data, and enforcement, India’s youth risk remaining trapped in precarious, informal employment, undermining inclusive growth.
Formalising laws without formalising work cannot deliver the demographic dividend.
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➡️The Solution to the Falling Rupee Lies in Diplomacy
Despite strong macroeconomic fundamentals, the Indian rupee has depreciated recently, indicating that non-economic factors, particularly geopolitical and diplomatic tensions, are driving currency pressures.
Why the Rupee Fall Is Not Due to Weak Fundamentals
• High growth: ~7.4%
• Low inflation: CPI ~1.3%, below RBI lower tolerance band
• Low CAD: ~0.76% of GDP (vs 1.35% previous year)
👉 Hence, classical macroeconomic reasons do not explain depreciation.
Real Cause: Capital Outflows
• Main driver of rupee depreciation is capital outflows, not trade deficit.
• Capital flows turned negative (net outflow ≈ $3.9 billion).
• Triggered by:
• Uncertainty due to U.S. tariff actions on Indian exports
• Geopolitical signalling, not economic stress
• Trade with Iran (often cited) is negligible (~0.15% of total trade).
🔹Inference: Investor confidence is affected by diplomatic risk perception.
Role of RBI: Clear Conceptual Clarity
• Since 1993, India follows a market-determined exchange rate.
• RBI intervention aims to:
• Reduce volatility, not defend a fixed rupee level
• Allow orderly adjustment to shocks
• RBI cannot and should not prevent depreciation driven by external uncertainty.
👉 RBI tools are supportive, not decisive in this scenario.
Why Devaluation Is NOT a Solution
1. Limited Export Gain
• Indian exports have high import content
• U.S. tariffs restrict market access
🔹Weak rupee does not significantly boost exports
2. Inflationary Impact
• Crude oil ≈ 25% of total imports
• Depreciation raises import costs → fuel inflation
3. REER Perspective
• Focus should be on Real Effective Exchange Rate (REER), not nominal value
• Competitive devaluation risks being labelled currency manipulation
Why the Issue Is Now Diplomatic, Not Economic
• Rupee volatility is driven by:
• Fear
• Policy uncertainty
• Geopolitical signalling
• These cannot be corrected through:
• Monetary policy
• Forex intervention
• Devaluation
🔹Only diplomatic engagement can restore capital confidence.
Way Forward
• 🔹 Early trade and tariff understanding with the U.S.
• 🔹 Reduce geopolitical uncertainty affecting capital flows
• 🔹 RBI to continue volatility management, not value targeting
• 🔹 Maintain macroeconomic stability to reinforce investor confidence
Conclusion
When currency depreciation is driven by geopolitical risk and capital flight, the most effective remedy lies in diplomacy rather than devaluation or monetary intervention.
Currency stability ultimately reflects confidence, and confidence is shaped as much by diplomacy as by economics.
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➡️India aims to achieve 500 GW non-fossil fuel capacity by 2030 and reduce dependence on imported green technologies by becoming a global manufacturing hub. To achieve this, the government relied on Production Linked Incentive (PLI) schemes, inspired by their success in telecom manufacturing.
However, this approach faces serious limitations in solar and battery manufacturing, because these sectors are technology-intensive, unlike telecom, which is largely assembly-based.
A key problem is the upstream–downstream gap:
• India performs reasonably well in downstream activities like solar module and battery pack assembly (≈ 56% target achieved).
• But it lags badly in upstream segments such as polysilicon, wafers, and battery cell chemistry, achieving only 10–14% of targets.
The failure of upstream manufacturing is due to:
• Deep technology and knowledge gaps
• Heavy import dependence for raw materials, machinery, and expertise
• Complexity of battery gigafactories, which require years of experimentation
• Rigid domestic value-addition norms that ignore learning curves
• Restrictions on foreign technical experts, especially from China
The battery sector illustrates this clearly:
• Target: 50 GWh capacity with ₹18,000 crore support
• Achievement: only 1.4 GWh (2.8%) by late 2025
The core message is that high-technology manufacturing is a systems challenge, not merely a funding issue. While PLI prioritises capital strength, sales targets, and quick results, it neglects technical capability, R&D, skills, and time needed for learning-by-doing.
If unchanged, India risks remaining a low-value assembly hub, undermining Atmanirbhar Bharat, energy security, and strategic autonomy.
Implicit recommendation: redesign PLI to prioritise capability building, upstream support, skilled manpower, R&D investment, and long gestation timelines, rather than relying on capital subsidies alone.
takeaway
Money can build factories, but only knowledge and time can build manufacturing capability.
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➡️Poll-bound States spent carefully while cutting debt
• RBI data contradicts political claims of fiscal irresponsibility by poll-bound, Opposition-ruled States.
• States like Assam, Kerala, Tamil Nadu, West Bengal and Puducherry have reduced debt-to-GSDP ratios since 2021 while protecting development and welfare spending.
• Debt reduction:
• West Bengal still has the highest debt ratio (~39%), but it has declined sharply since 2021.
• Kerala and Tamil Nadu also reduced outstanding liabilities by around 4–5 percentage points.
• Spending pattern:
• Development expenditure (social sector + capital outlay) did not rise unsustainably and often remained below overall averages.
• Capital outlay stayed stable (~1–2% of GSDP) in Kerala and Tamil Nadu; Assam capped social sector spending near 11% of GSDP.
• FRBM context:
• Debt ratios remain above the FRBM benchmark, but borrowing discipline has been consistent since 2016.
• Structural factor:
• RBI notes demographic differences matter—ageing States (Kerala, Tamil Nadu) face higher fiscal pressure, while younger States can leverage demographic dividend.
Conclusion:
Poll-bound States have shown fiscal prudence, cutting debt without sacrificing welfare or development; fiscal stress varies more due to demographics than political cycles.
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➡️How will U.S. exit affect the International Solar Alliance?
• The U.S. decision to exit the International Solar Alliance (ISA) will not significantly hurt the Alliance financially, as the U.S. contributes only about 10% of total funds.
• ISA’s functioning will continue, since it is headquartered in India and jointly led by India and France, with strong support from developing countries.
• India’s solar sector remains largely insulated:
• Solar projects are driven mainly by domestic demand.
• Financing comes primarily from Indian banks, global funds, and development institutions, not the U.S.
• Solar manufacturing in India is unaffected in the short term:
• India is expanding capacity across the supply chain.
• Dependence remains high on China for solar modules, not the U.S.
• Real risk lies outside India, especially in Africa and poorer developing countries, where:
• ISA-supported projects rely on cheap international finance.
• U.S. withdrawal may make lenders cautious, slowing project approvals.
• Strategically, ISA remains a key tool of India’s climate diplomacy and Global South leadership, though India will now bear greater responsibility.
Conclusion:
The U.S. exit is a stress factor, not a shock—India’s solar growth stays intact, but global solar cooperation, especially in poorer countries, may face slower momentum.
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➡️India’s Biggest Climate Gap
• India does not lack climate data, but fails to communicate it in simple, local, and usable language.
• Climate science is often filled with technical jargon, making it difficult for administrators and communities to convert information into action.
• The term “Loss and Damage”, globally meant to capture irreversible climate impacts (culture, livelihoods, ecosystems), is reduced in India to post-disaster compensation and relief.
• This linguistic shift turns long-term climate risks into short-term disaster management issues, weakening policy responses.
• Excessive data without clarity creates a governance gap, where decisions are delayed or ineffective.
• Effective communication builds trust, which is as important as technology—seen in Odisha’s cyclone preparedness success.
• Climate communication must translate projections into everyday consequences (school closures, health risks, work safety).
Conclusion:
India’s climate action depends not just on better science, but on clear, trusted, and local communication that turns knowledge into decisions.
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➡️Sectarian Politics
Sectarian politics refers to political mobilisation and power struggle based on religious, sectarian, or intra-religious identities, where loyalty to a sect overrides loyalty to the nation or Constitution.
متاح الآن! بحث تيليغرام 2025 — أهم رؤى العام 
